ON HIS SEVENTIETH BIRTHDAY
George Bernard Shaw
July 26, 1926
On Friday evening last I received from His Majesty the mission to form a new administration.
It was the evident will of Parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties.
I have already completed the most important part of this task. A war cabinet has been formed of five members, representing, with the Labor, Opposition and Liberals, the unity of the nation.
It was necessary that this should be done in one single day on account of the extreme urgency and rigor of events. Other key positions were filled yesterday. I am submitting a further list to the King tonight. I hope to complete the appointment of principal Ministers during tomorrow.
The appointment of other Ministers usually takes a little longer. I trust when Parliament meets again this part of my task will be completed and that the administration will be complete in all respects.
I considered it in the public interest to suggest to the Speaker that the House should be summoned today. At the end of today's proceedings, the adjournment of the House will be proposed until May 2l with provision for earlier meeting if need be. Business for that will be notified to M. P. 's at the earliest opportunity.
I now invite the House by a resolution to record its approval of the steps taken and declare its confidence in the new government. The resolution:
"That this House welcomes the formation of a government representing the united and inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war with Germany to a victorious conclusion."
To form an administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself. But we are in the preliminary Phase of one of the greatest battles in history. We are in action at any other points-in Norway and in Holland-and we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean. The air battle is continuing, and many preparations have to be made here at home.
In this crisis I think I may be pardoned if I do not address the House at any length today, and I hope that any of my friends and colleagues or for mer colleagues who are affected by the political reconstruction will make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act.
I say to the House as I said to Ministers who have joined this government, I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat. We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering.
You ask, what is our policy? I say it is to wage war by land, sea and air. War with all our might and with all the strength God has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous tyranny never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime. That is our policy.
You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word, It is victory. Victory at all costs-victory in spite of all terrors-victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival.
Let that be realized. No survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall move forward toward his goal.
I take up my task in buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men.
I feel entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of all and to say, "Come then, let us go forward together with our united strength
Tuesday, March 6, 2007
Shall We choose Death? - Bertrand Russell
SHALL WE CHOOSE DEATH?
Bertrand Russell
December 30, 1954
I am speaking not as a Briton, not as a European, not as a member of a western democracy, but as a human being, a member of the species Man, whose continued existence is in doubt. The world is full of conflicts: Jews and Arabs; Indians and Pakistanis; white men and Negroes in Africa; and, overshadowing all minor conflicts, the titanic struggle between communism and anticommunism.
Almost everybody who is politically conscious has strong feelings about one or more of these issues; but I want you, if you can, to set aside such feelings for the moment and consider yourself only as a member of a biological species which has had a remarkable history and whose disappearance none of us can desire. I shall try to say no single word which should appeal to one group rather than to another. All, equally, are in peril, and, if the peril is understood, there is hope that they may collectively avert it. We have to learn to think in a new way. We have to learn to ask ourselves not what steps can be taken to give military victory to whatever group we prefer, for there no longer are such steps. The question we have to ask ourselves is: What steps can be taken to prevent a military contest of which the issue must be disastrous to all sides?
The general public, and even many men in positions of authority, have not realized what would be involved in a war with hydrogen bombs. The general public still thinks in terms of the obliteration of cities. It is understood that the new bombs are more powerful than the old and that, while one atomic bomb could obliterate Hiroshima, one hydrogen bomb could obliterate the largest cities such as London, New York, and Moscow. No doubt in a hydrogen-bomb war great cities would be obliterated. But this is one of the minor disasters that would have to be faced. If everybody in London, New York, and Moscow were exterminated, the world might, in the course of a few centuries, recover from the blow. But we now know, especially since the Bikini test, that hydrogen bombs can gradually spread destruction over a much wider area than had been supposed. It is stated on very good authority that a bomb can now be manufactured which will be 25,000 times as powerful as that which destroyed Hiroshima. Such a bomb, if exploded near the ground or under water, sends radioactive particles into the upper air. They sink gradually and reach the surface of the earth in the form of a deadly dust or rain. It was this dust which infected the Japanese fishermen and their catch of fish although they were outside what American experts believed to be the danger zone. No one knows how widely such lethal radioactive particles might be diffused, but the best authorities are unanimous in saying that a war with hydrogen bombs is quite likely to put an end to the human race. It is feared that if many hydrogen bombs are used there will be universal death - sudden only for a fortunate minority, but for the majority a slow torture of disease and disintegration...
Here, then, is the problem which I present to you, stark and dreadful and inescapable: Shall we put an end to the human race1 or shall mankind renounce war? People will not face this alternative because it is so difficult to abolish war. The abolition of war will demand distasteful limitations of national sovereignty. But what perhaps impedes understanding of the situation more than anything else is that the term 'mankind' feels vague and abstract. People scarcely realize in imagination that the danger is to themselves and their children and their grandchildren, and not only to a dimly apprehended humanity' And so they hope that perhaps war may be allowed to continue provided modern weapons are prohibited. I am afraid this hope is illusory. Whatever agreements not to use hydrogen bombs had been reached in time of peace, they would no longer be considered binding in time of war, and both sides would set to work to manufacture hydrogen bombs as soon as war broke out, for if one side manufactured the bombs and the other did not, the side that manufactured them would inevitably be victorious...
As geological time is reckoned, Man has so far existed only for a very short period one million years at the most. What he has achieved, especially during the last 6,000 years, is something utterly new in the history of the Cosmos, so far at least as we are acquainted with it. For countless ages the sun rose and set, the moon waxed and waned, the stars shone in the night, but it was only with the coming of Man that these things were understood. In the great world of astronomy and in the little world of the atom, Man has unveiled secrets which might have been thought undiscoverable. In art and literature and religion, some men have shown a sublimity of feeling which makes the species worth preserving. Is all this to end in trivial horror because so few are able to think of Man rather than of this or that group of men? Is our race so destitute of wisdom, so incapable of impartial love, so blind even to the simplest dictates of self-preservation, that the last proof of its silly cleverness is to be the extermination of all life on our planet? - for it will be not only men who will perish, but also the animals, whom no one can accuse of communism or anticommunism.
I cannot believe that this is to be the end. I would have men forget their quarrels for a moment and reflect that, if they will allow themselves to survive, there is every reason to expect the triumphs of the future to exceed immeasurably the triumphs of the past. There lies before us, if we choose, continual progress in happiness, knowledge, and wisdom. Shall we, instead, choose death, because we cannot forget our quarrels? I appeal, as a human being to human beings: remember your humanity, and forget the rest. If you can do so, the way lies open to a new Paradise; if you cannot, nothing lies before you but universal death.
Bertrand Russell
December 30, 1954
I am speaking not as a Briton, not as a European, not as a member of a western democracy, but as a human being, a member of the species Man, whose continued existence is in doubt. The world is full of conflicts: Jews and Arabs; Indians and Pakistanis; white men and Negroes in Africa; and, overshadowing all minor conflicts, the titanic struggle between communism and anticommunism.
Almost everybody who is politically conscious has strong feelings about one or more of these issues; but I want you, if you can, to set aside such feelings for the moment and consider yourself only as a member of a biological species which has had a remarkable history and whose disappearance none of us can desire. I shall try to say no single word which should appeal to one group rather than to another. All, equally, are in peril, and, if the peril is understood, there is hope that they may collectively avert it. We have to learn to think in a new way. We have to learn to ask ourselves not what steps can be taken to give military victory to whatever group we prefer, for there no longer are such steps. The question we have to ask ourselves is: What steps can be taken to prevent a military contest of which the issue must be disastrous to all sides?
The general public, and even many men in positions of authority, have not realized what would be involved in a war with hydrogen bombs. The general public still thinks in terms of the obliteration of cities. It is understood that the new bombs are more powerful than the old and that, while one atomic bomb could obliterate Hiroshima, one hydrogen bomb could obliterate the largest cities such as London, New York, and Moscow. No doubt in a hydrogen-bomb war great cities would be obliterated. But this is one of the minor disasters that would have to be faced. If everybody in London, New York, and Moscow were exterminated, the world might, in the course of a few centuries, recover from the blow. But we now know, especially since the Bikini test, that hydrogen bombs can gradually spread destruction over a much wider area than had been supposed. It is stated on very good authority that a bomb can now be manufactured which will be 25,000 times as powerful as that which destroyed Hiroshima. Such a bomb, if exploded near the ground or under water, sends radioactive particles into the upper air. They sink gradually and reach the surface of the earth in the form of a deadly dust or rain. It was this dust which infected the Japanese fishermen and their catch of fish although they were outside what American experts believed to be the danger zone. No one knows how widely such lethal radioactive particles might be diffused, but the best authorities are unanimous in saying that a war with hydrogen bombs is quite likely to put an end to the human race. It is feared that if many hydrogen bombs are used there will be universal death - sudden only for a fortunate minority, but for the majority a slow torture of disease and disintegration...
Here, then, is the problem which I present to you, stark and dreadful and inescapable: Shall we put an end to the human race1 or shall mankind renounce war? People will not face this alternative because it is so difficult to abolish war. The abolition of war will demand distasteful limitations of national sovereignty. But what perhaps impedes understanding of the situation more than anything else is that the term 'mankind' feels vague and abstract. People scarcely realize in imagination that the danger is to themselves and their children and their grandchildren, and not only to a dimly apprehended humanity' And so they hope that perhaps war may be allowed to continue provided modern weapons are prohibited. I am afraid this hope is illusory. Whatever agreements not to use hydrogen bombs had been reached in time of peace, they would no longer be considered binding in time of war, and both sides would set to work to manufacture hydrogen bombs as soon as war broke out, for if one side manufactured the bombs and the other did not, the side that manufactured them would inevitably be victorious...
As geological time is reckoned, Man has so far existed only for a very short period one million years at the most. What he has achieved, especially during the last 6,000 years, is something utterly new in the history of the Cosmos, so far at least as we are acquainted with it. For countless ages the sun rose and set, the moon waxed and waned, the stars shone in the night, but it was only with the coming of Man that these things were understood. In the great world of astronomy and in the little world of the atom, Man has unveiled secrets which might have been thought undiscoverable. In art and literature and religion, some men have shown a sublimity of feeling which makes the species worth preserving. Is all this to end in trivial horror because so few are able to think of Man rather than of this or that group of men? Is our race so destitute of wisdom, so incapable of impartial love, so blind even to the simplest dictates of self-preservation, that the last proof of its silly cleverness is to be the extermination of all life on our planet? - for it will be not only men who will perish, but also the animals, whom no one can accuse of communism or anticommunism.
I cannot believe that this is to be the end. I would have men forget their quarrels for a moment and reflect that, if they will allow themselves to survive, there is every reason to expect the triumphs of the future to exceed immeasurably the triumphs of the past. There lies before us, if we choose, continual progress in happiness, knowledge, and wisdom. Shall we, instead, choose death, because we cannot forget our quarrels? I appeal, as a human being to human beings: remember your humanity, and forget the rest. If you can do so, the way lies open to a new Paradise; if you cannot, nothing lies before you but universal death.
On His Seventieth Birthday - George Bernard Shaw
ON HIS SEVENTIETH BIRTHDAY
George Bernard Shaw
July 26, 1926
Of late years the public have been trying to tackle me in every way they possibly can, and failing to make anything of it they have turned to treating me Bs a great man. This is a dreadful fate to over- take anybody. There has been a distinct attempt to do it again now, and for that reason I absolutely decline to say anything about the celebration of my seventieth birthday. But when the Labor Party, my old friends the Labor Party, invited me here I knew that l should be all right.
Now, however, we have built up a constitutional Party. We have built it up on a socialistic basis. My friend, Mr. Sidney Webb, Mr. Macdonald and myself said definitely at the beginning that what we had got to do was to make the Socialist Party a constitutional party to which any respectable God-fearing man could belong without the slightest compromise of his respectability. We got rid of all those traditional that is why Governments in the present day are more afraid of us than they were of any of the Radical people.
Our position is a perfectly simple one and we have the great advantage of understanding our position. We oppose socialism to capitalism.
According to the capitalists, there will be a guara11tee to the world that every man in tI1e country would get a job. They didn't contend it would be a well-paid job, because if it was well paid a man would save up enough one week to stop working the next week, and they were determined to keep a man working the whole time on a bare subsistence wage - and, on the other hand, divide an accumulation of capita1.
They said capita1ism not only secured this for the working man, but, by insuring fabulous wealth in the hands of a small class of people, they would save money whether they liked it or not and would have to invest it. That is capitalism, and this Government is always interfering with capitalism. Instead of giving a man a job or letting him starve they are giving him doles - after making sure he has paid for them first. They are giving capitalists subsidies and making all sorts of regulations that are breaking up their own system. All the time they are doing it, and we are telling them it is breaking up, they don't understand.
We say in criticism of capitalism: Your system has never kept its promises for one single day since it was promulgated. Our production is ridiculous. We are producing eighty horsepower motor cars when many more houses should be built. We are producing most extravagant luxuries while children starve. You have stood production on its head. Instead of beginning with the things the nation needs most, you are beginning at just the opposite end. We say distribution has become so glaringly ridiculous that there are only two people out of the 47,000,000 people in this country who approve of the present system of distribution-one is the Duke of Northumberland and the other is Lord Banbury.
We are opposed to that theory. Socialism, which is perfectly clear and unmistakable, says the thing you have got to take care of is your distribution. We have to begin with that, and private property, if it stands in the way of good distribution, has got to go.
A man who holds public property must hold it on the pub1ic condition on which, for instance, I carry my walking stick. I am not al1owed to do what I like with it. I must not knock you on the head with it. We say that if distribution goes wrong, everything else goes wrong-religion, morals - government. And we say, therefore (this is the whole meaning of our socialism}, we must begin with distribution and take all the necessary steps.
I think we are keeping it in our minds because our business is to take care of the distribution of wealth in the worId1 and I tell you, as I have told you be fore, that I don't think there are two men, or perhaps one man, in our 47,000,000 who approves of the existing distribution of wealth. I will go even further and say that you will not find a single person in the whole of the civilized world who agrees with the existing system of the distribution of wealth. It has been reduced to a blank absurdity.
I think the day will come when we will be able to make the distinction between us and the capitalists. We must get certain leading ideas before the people. We should announce that we are not going in for what was the old-fashioned idea of redistribution, but the redistribution of income. Let it always be a question of income.
I have been very happy here to night. I entirely understand the distinction made by our Chairman to night when he said you hold me in social esteem and a certain amount of personal affection. I am not a sentimental man, but l am not 1nsensible to all that. I know the value of all tl1at, and it gives me, now that 1 have come to the age of seventy (it will not occur again and I am saying it for the first time), a great fee1ing of pleasure that l can say what a good many people can't say.
George Bernard Shaw
July 26, 1926
Of late years the public have been trying to tackle me in every way they possibly can, and failing to make anything of it they have turned to treating me Bs a great man. This is a dreadful fate to over- take anybody. There has been a distinct attempt to do it again now, and for that reason I absolutely decline to say anything about the celebration of my seventieth birthday. But when the Labor Party, my old friends the Labor Party, invited me here I knew that l should be all right.
Now, however, we have built up a constitutional Party. We have built it up on a socialistic basis. My friend, Mr. Sidney Webb, Mr. Macdonald and myself said definitely at the beginning that what we had got to do was to make the Socialist Party a constitutional party to which any respectable God-fearing man could belong without the slightest compromise of his respectability. We got rid of all those traditional that is why Governments in the present day are more afraid of us than they were of any of the Radical people.
Our position is a perfectly simple one and we have the great advantage of understanding our position. We oppose socialism to capitalism.
According to the capitalists, there will be a guara11tee to the world that every man in tI1e country would get a job. They didn't contend it would be a well-paid job, because if it was well paid a man would save up enough one week to stop working the next week, and they were determined to keep a man working the whole time on a bare subsistence wage - and, on the other hand, divide an accumulation of capita1.
They said capita1ism not only secured this for the working man, but, by insuring fabulous wealth in the hands of a small class of people, they would save money whether they liked it or not and would have to invest it. That is capitalism, and this Government is always interfering with capitalism. Instead of giving a man a job or letting him starve they are giving him doles - after making sure he has paid for them first. They are giving capitalists subsidies and making all sorts of regulations that are breaking up their own system. All the time they are doing it, and we are telling them it is breaking up, they don't understand.
We say in criticism of capitalism: Your system has never kept its promises for one single day since it was promulgated. Our production is ridiculous. We are producing eighty horsepower motor cars when many more houses should be built. We are producing most extravagant luxuries while children starve. You have stood production on its head. Instead of beginning with the things the nation needs most, you are beginning at just the opposite end. We say distribution has become so glaringly ridiculous that there are only two people out of the 47,000,000 people in this country who approve of the present system of distribution-one is the Duke of Northumberland and the other is Lord Banbury.
We are opposed to that theory. Socialism, which is perfectly clear and unmistakable, says the thing you have got to take care of is your distribution. We have to begin with that, and private property, if it stands in the way of good distribution, has got to go.
A man who holds public property must hold it on the pub1ic condition on which, for instance, I carry my walking stick. I am not al1owed to do what I like with it. I must not knock you on the head with it. We say that if distribution goes wrong, everything else goes wrong-religion, morals - government. And we say, therefore (this is the whole meaning of our socialism}, we must begin with distribution and take all the necessary steps.
I think we are keeping it in our minds because our business is to take care of the distribution of wealth in the worId1 and I tell you, as I have told you be fore, that I don't think there are two men, or perhaps one man, in our 47,000,000 who approves of the existing distribution of wealth. I will go even further and say that you will not find a single person in the whole of the civilized world who agrees with the existing system of the distribution of wealth. It has been reduced to a blank absurdity.
I think the day will come when we will be able to make the distinction between us and the capitalists. We must get certain leading ideas before the people. We should announce that we are not going in for what was the old-fashioned idea of redistribution, but the redistribution of income. Let it always be a question of income.
I have been very happy here to night. I entirely understand the distinction made by our Chairman to night when he said you hold me in social esteem and a certain amount of personal affection. I am not a sentimental man, but l am not 1nsensible to all that. I know the value of all tl1at, and it gives me, now that 1 have come to the age of seventy (it will not occur again and I am saying it for the first time), a great fee1ing of pleasure that l can say what a good many people can't say.
Science and Art - Thomas Henry Huxley
SCIENCE AND ART
Thomas Henry Huxley
May 5, l883
科 学 和 艺 术
托马斯·亨利·赫胥黎
1883年5月5日
I beg leave to thank you for the extremely kind and appreciative manner in which you have received the toast of Science. It is the more gratefu1 to me to hear that toast proposed in an assembly of this kind, because I have noticed of late pears a great and growing tendency among those who were once jestingly said to have bee11 born in a pre-scientific age to look upon science as an invading and aggressive force, which if it had its own way would oust from the universe all other pursuit. I think there are many persons who look upon this new birth of our times as a sort of monster rising out of the sea of modern thought with the purpose of devouring the Andromeda of art. And now and then a Perseus, equipped with the shoes of swiftness of the ready writer, with the cap of invisibility of the editorial article, and it may be with the Medusahead of vituperation, shows himself ready to try conclusions with the scientific dragon. Sir, I hope that Perseus will think better of it; first, for his own sake, because the creature is hard of head, strong of jaw, and for some time past has shown a great capacity for going over and through whatever comes in his way: and secondly, for the sake of justice, for I assure you, of my own personal knowledge that if left alone, the creature is a very debonair and gentle monster. As for the Andromeda of art, he has the tenderest respect for that lady, and desires nothing more than to see her happily settled and annually producing a flock of such charming children as those we see about us.
But putting parab1es aside, I am unable to understand how any one with a knowledge of mankind can imagine that the growth of science can threaten the development of art in any of its forms. If I understand the matter at all, science and art are the obverse and reverse of Nature's medal; the one expressing the eternal order of things, in terms of feeling, the other in terms of thought. When men no longer love nor hate; when suffering causes no pity, and the tale of great deeds ceases to thrill, when the lily of the field shall seem no longer more beautifully arrayed than Solomon in all his glory, and the awe has vanished from the snow-capped peak and deep ravine, then indeed science may have the world to itself, but it will not be because the monster has devoured art, but because one side of human nature is dead, and because men have lost the half of their ancient and present attributes.
Thomas Henry Huxley
May 5, l883
科 学 和 艺 术
托马斯·亨利·赫胥黎
1883年5月5日
I beg leave to thank you for the extremely kind and appreciative manner in which you have received the toast of Science. It is the more gratefu1 to me to hear that toast proposed in an assembly of this kind, because I have noticed of late pears a great and growing tendency among those who were once jestingly said to have bee11 born in a pre-scientific age to look upon science as an invading and aggressive force, which if it had its own way would oust from the universe all other pursuit. I think there are many persons who look upon this new birth of our times as a sort of monster rising out of the sea of modern thought with the purpose of devouring the Andromeda of art. And now and then a Perseus, equipped with the shoes of swiftness of the ready writer, with the cap of invisibility of the editorial article, and it may be with the Medusahead of vituperation, shows himself ready to try conclusions with the scientific dragon. Sir, I hope that Perseus will think better of it; first, for his own sake, because the creature is hard of head, strong of jaw, and for some time past has shown a great capacity for going over and through whatever comes in his way: and secondly, for the sake of justice, for I assure you, of my own personal knowledge that if left alone, the creature is a very debonair and gentle monster. As for the Andromeda of art, he has the tenderest respect for that lady, and desires nothing more than to see her happily settled and annually producing a flock of such charming children as those we see about us.
But putting parab1es aside, I am unable to understand how any one with a knowledge of mankind can imagine that the growth of science can threaten the development of art in any of its forms. If I understand the matter at all, science and art are the obverse and reverse of Nature's medal; the one expressing the eternal order of things, in terms of feeling, the other in terms of thought. When men no longer love nor hate; when suffering causes no pity, and the tale of great deeds ceases to thrill, when the lily of the field shall seem no longer more beautifully arrayed than Solomon in all his glory, and the awe has vanished from the snow-capped peak and deep ravine, then indeed science may have the world to itself, but it will not be because the monster has devoured art, but because one side of human nature is dead, and because men have lost the half of their ancient and present attributes.
I Have a Dream - Martin Luther King
I HAVE A DREAM
MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR.
我 有 一 个 梦
马丁 · 路德 · 金
......I say to you, my friends, so even though we must face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed - we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, sons of former slaves and sons of former slave-owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day, even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers; I have a dream today.
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places shall be made plain, and the crooked places shall be made straight and the glory of the Lord will be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.
This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with.
With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.
With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to go to jail together, knowing that we will be free one day.
This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning-"my country 'tis of thee; sweet land of liberty; of thee I sing; land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride; from every mountain side, let freedom ring"-and if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.
So let freedom ring -- from the prodigious hill tops of New Hampshire, let freedom ring; from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring -- from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.
Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.
But not only that.Let freedom ring from the Stone Mountain of Georgia.
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi, from every mountainside, let freedom ring.
When we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and hamlet, from every state and city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children - black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Catholics and Protestants - will be able to join hands and to sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last, free at last; thank God Almighty, we are free at last."
……今天，我对你们说，我的朋友们，尽管此时的困难与挫折，我们仍然有个梦，这是深深扎根于美国梦中的梦。
我有一个梦：有一天，这个国家将站起来，并实现它的信条的真正含义：“我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的，即所有的人都生来平等。”
我有一个梦：有一天，在乔治亚州的红色山丘上，从前奴隶的子孙们和从前奴隶主的子孙们将能像兄弟般地坐在同一桌旁。
我有一个梦：有一天，甚至密西西比州，一个有着不公正和压迫的热浪袭人的荒漠之州，将改造成自由和公正的绿洲。
我有一个梦：我的４个小孩将有一天生活在一个国度里，在那里，人们不是从他们的肤色，而是从他们的品格来评价他们。
今天我有一个梦想：
我有一个梦：有一天，阿拉巴马州将变成这样一个地方，那里黑人小男孩、小女孩可以和白人小男孩、小女孩，像兄弟姐妹一样手牵手并肩而行。
今天我有一个梦想。
我有一个梦：有一天，每一个峡谷将升高，每一座山丘和高峰被削低，崎岖粗糙的地方改造成平原，弯弯曲曲的地方变得笔直，上帝的荣耀得以展露，全人类都将举目共睹。
这是我们的希望，这是信念，带着这个信念我回到南方，怀着这个信念我们将能从绝望之山中开采出一块希望之石。怀着这个信念，我们将能把我们国家的刺耳的不和音，转变成一曲优美动听的兄弟情谊交响曲。怀着这个信念，我们将能工作在一起，祈祷在一起，奋斗在一起，一起赴监狱，一起为自由而挺住。因为我们知道，有一天我们将获自由。
将会有一天，那时，所有上帝的孩子们将能以新的含义高唱：
我的祖国，
你是自由的乐土。
我为你歌唱：
我的先辈的安葬之地，
让自由的声音，
响彻每一道山岗。
如果说美国是一个伟大的国家，这必须要成真。因此，让自由的声音从新罕布什尔州巨大的山巅响起吧。让自由的声音从纽约州巍巍群山响起吧，让自由的声音从宾夕法尼亚州阿拉根尼高原响起吧！
让自由的声音从科罗拉多州冰雪覆盖的落基山脉响起吧！
让自由的声音从加利福尼亚婀娜多姿的山峰上响起吧！
但不仅如此，还让自由之声从乔治亚州的石峰上响起吧！
让自由之声从田纳西州的观景峰响起吧！
让自由之声从密西西比州的每一道山丘响起吧！在每一道山坡上，让自由之声响起吧！
当我们让自由之声响彻之时，当我们让它从每一座村庄，从每一个州和每一座城市响起时，我们将能加速这一天的到来，那时，所有上帝的孩子们，黑人和白人，犹太人和异教徒们，基督徒和天主教徒们，将能手挽手，以那古老的黑人圣歌的歌词高唱；
“终于自由了！终于自由了！感谢全能的
MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR.
我 有 一 个 梦
马丁 · 路德 · 金
......I say to you, my friends, so even though we must face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed - we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, sons of former slaves and sons of former slave-owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day, even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers; I have a dream today.
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places shall be made plain, and the crooked places shall be made straight and the glory of the Lord will be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.
This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with.
With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.
With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to go to jail together, knowing that we will be free one day.
This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning-"my country 'tis of thee; sweet land of liberty; of thee I sing; land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride; from every mountain side, let freedom ring"-and if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.
So let freedom ring -- from the prodigious hill tops of New Hampshire, let freedom ring; from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring -- from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.
Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.
But not only that.Let freedom ring from the Stone Mountain of Georgia.
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi, from every mountainside, let freedom ring.
When we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and hamlet, from every state and city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children - black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Catholics and Protestants - will be able to join hands and to sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last, free at last; thank God Almighty, we are free at last."
……今天，我对你们说，我的朋友们，尽管此时的困难与挫折，我们仍然有个梦，这是深深扎根于美国梦中的梦。
我有一个梦：有一天，这个国家将站起来，并实现它的信条的真正含义：“我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的，即所有的人都生来平等。”
我有一个梦：有一天，在乔治亚州的红色山丘上，从前奴隶的子孙们和从前奴隶主的子孙们将能像兄弟般地坐在同一桌旁。
我有一个梦：有一天，甚至密西西比州，一个有着不公正和压迫的热浪袭人的荒漠之州，将改造成自由和公正的绿洲。
我有一个梦：我的４个小孩将有一天生活在一个国度里，在那里，人们不是从他们的肤色，而是从他们的品格来评价他们。
今天我有一个梦想：
我有一个梦：有一天，阿拉巴马州将变成这样一个地方，那里黑人小男孩、小女孩可以和白人小男孩、小女孩，像兄弟姐妹一样手牵手并肩而行。
今天我有一个梦想。
我有一个梦：有一天，每一个峡谷将升高，每一座山丘和高峰被削低，崎岖粗糙的地方改造成平原，弯弯曲曲的地方变得笔直，上帝的荣耀得以展露，全人类都将举目共睹。
这是我们的希望，这是信念，带着这个信念我回到南方，怀着这个信念我们将能从绝望之山中开采出一块希望之石。怀着这个信念，我们将能把我们国家的刺耳的不和音，转变成一曲优美动听的兄弟情谊交响曲。怀着这个信念，我们将能工作在一起，祈祷在一起，奋斗在一起，一起赴监狱，一起为自由而挺住。因为我们知道，有一天我们将获自由。
将会有一天，那时，所有上帝的孩子们将能以新的含义高唱：
我的祖国，
你是自由的乐土。
我为你歌唱：
我的先辈的安葬之地，
让自由的声音，
响彻每一道山岗。
如果说美国是一个伟大的国家，这必须要成真。因此，让自由的声音从新罕布什尔州巨大的山巅响起吧。让自由的声音从纽约州巍巍群山响起吧，让自由的声音从宾夕法尼亚州阿拉根尼高原响起吧！
让自由的声音从科罗拉多州冰雪覆盖的落基山脉响起吧！
让自由的声音从加利福尼亚婀娜多姿的山峰上响起吧！
但不仅如此，还让自由之声从乔治亚州的石峰上响起吧！
让自由之声从田纳西州的观景峰响起吧！
让自由之声从密西西比州的每一道山丘响起吧！在每一道山坡上，让自由之声响起吧！
当我们让自由之声响彻之时，当我们让它从每一座村庄，从每一个州和每一座城市响起时，我们将能加速这一天的到来，那时，所有上帝的孩子们，黑人和白人，犹太人和异教徒们，基督徒和天主教徒们，将能手挽手，以那古老的黑人圣歌的歌词高唱；
“终于自由了！终于自由了！感谢全能的
Gettysburg Address - Albraham Lincoln
Gettysburg Address
Delivered on the 19th Day of November, 1863 Cemetery Hill, Gettysburg, Pennsylvania
在葛底斯堡的演说
亚伯拉罕·林肯
1963年11月19日
Fourscore and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new Nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to theproposition that all men are created equal. Now, we are engaged in a great Civil War, testing whether that Nation, or any nation soconceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who gave their lives that Nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.
But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract. The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us; that from these honored dead, we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion; that this Nation, under GOD, shall have a new birth of freedom; and that government of the People by the People and for the People shall not perish from the earth."
87年前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。现在我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且是非常恰当的。但是，从更广泛的意义上来说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久地记住，但勇士们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲；我们要使国家在上帝福佑下得到自由的新生，要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。
Delivered on the 19th Day of November, 1863 Cemetery Hill, Gettysburg, Pennsylvania
在葛底斯堡的演说
亚伯拉罕·林肯
1963年11月19日
Fourscore and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new Nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to theproposition that all men are created equal. Now, we are engaged in a great Civil War, testing whether that Nation, or any nation soconceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who gave their lives that Nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.
But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract. The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us; that from these honored dead, we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion; that this Nation, under GOD, shall have a new birth of freedom; and that government of the People by the People and for the People shall not perish from the earth."
87年前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。现在我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且是非常恰当的。但是，从更广泛的意义上来说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久地记住，但勇士们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲；我们要使国家在上帝福佑下得到自由的新生，要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。
Declaration of War (Franklin D. Roosevelt)
Declaration of War (Franklin D. Roosevelt)
Dec. 8, 1941.
要求国会对日本宣战
（富兰克林·罗斯福）
1941.12.8
Yesterday December 7, 1941--a date which will Live in infamy--United States of America, was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.
United States was at peace with that nation, and at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its government and its Emperor, working towards the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.
Indeed, one hour after, Japanese air squadrons have commenced bombing in the American island of Oahu. The Japanese Ambassador to the United States and his co1leagues, delivered to our Secretary of States a forma1 reply to a recent American message. And while this reply stated that it seems useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.
It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned, many days, or even weeks ago. During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.
The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian island has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces. I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost. In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu. Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.
Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.
Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.
Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine islands.
Last night, the Japanese attacked Week island.
And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway island. Japan has therefore undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area. The facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves. The people of the United States has already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.
As Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.
But always, let our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.
No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory
I believe that I interpret the will of Congress and of the people, when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.
Hostilities exist, there is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory and our interest are in grave danger
With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph, so help us God.
I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday December 7, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese Empire.
Brief introduction to the speaker :
Franklin D. Roosevelt(1882-1945)On the morning of Sunday, Dec.7, 1941, Japanese bombers, fighter planes, and torpedo planes attacked the American naval base at Pearl Harbor. The next day, December 8, the president of the United States, Franklin D. Roosevelt, addressed Congress and the American people, calling December 7 "a date which will live in infamy." Congress declared war on Japan. The United States was thereupon brought into World War II.
Dec. 8, 1941.
要求国会对日本宣战
（富兰克林·罗斯福）
1941.12.8
Yesterday December 7, 1941--a date which will Live in infamy--United States of America, was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.
United States was at peace with that nation, and at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its government and its Emperor, working towards the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.
Indeed, one hour after, Japanese air squadrons have commenced bombing in the American island of Oahu. The Japanese Ambassador to the United States and his co1leagues, delivered to our Secretary of States a forma1 reply to a recent American message. And while this reply stated that it seems useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.
It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned, many days, or even weeks ago. During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.
The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian island has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces. I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost. In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu. Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.
Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.
Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.
Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine islands.
Last night, the Japanese attacked Week island.
And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway island. Japan has therefore undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area. The facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves. The people of the United States has already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.
As Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.
But always, let our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.
No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory
I believe that I interpret the will of Congress and of the people, when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.
Hostilities exist, there is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory and our interest are in grave danger
With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph, so help us God.
I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday December 7, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese Empire.
Brief introduction to the speaker :
Franklin D. Roosevelt(1882-1945)On the morning of Sunday, Dec.7, 1941, Japanese bombers, fighter planes, and torpedo planes attacked the American naval base at Pearl Harbor. The next day, December 8, the president of the United States, Franklin D. Roosevelt, addressed Congress and the American people, calling December 7 "a date which will live in infamy." Congress declared war on Japan. The United States was thereupon brought into World War II.
The Fourth Debate (Richard Nixon&John F. Kennedy)
The Fourth Debate
(Richard Nixon&John F. Kennedy)
Oct. 21, 1960.
第 四 次 辩 论
1960.10.21.
（理查德·尼克松&约翰·肯尼迪）
The fourth debate
In 1960, both Senator John F. Kennedy and Vice-President Richard M. Nixon ran strong campaigns for the presidency, but the former's impressive performance in four televised debates helped make the difference. Kennedy, 43, became the youngest person and the first Roman Catholic elected to the presidency with his narrow victory over Nixon.
Mr. Howe, Senator Kennedy, my fellow Americans,
Since this campaign began, I have had a very rare privilege: I have traveled to 48 of the 50 states, and in my travels, I've learned what the people of the United States are thinking about. There is one issue that stands out above all the rest, one in which every American is concerned, regardless of what group he may be a member and regardless of where he may live. And that issue very simply stated is this: how can we keep the peace? Keep it without surrender. How can we extend freedom? Extend it without war
Now in determining how we deal with this issue, we must find the answer to a very important, but simple question: who threatens the peace? Who threatens freedom in the world? There is only one threat to peace, and one threat to freedom that which is presented by the international Communist movement. And therefore, if we are to have peace, if we are to keep our own freedom and extend it to others without war, we must know how to deal with the Communists and their leaders. I know Mr. Khruchev I also have had the opportunity of knowing and meeting other Communist leaders in the world, I believe there are certain principles we must find in dealing with him and his colleagues, principles if followed, will keep the peace and that also can extend freedom.
First, we have to learn from the past, because we cannot afford to make the mistakes of the past. In the seven years before this administration came into power in Washington, we found that six hundred million people went behind the Iron Curtain, and at the end of that seven years, we were engaged in a war in Korea, which caused over thirty thousand American lives. In the past seven years, in President Eisenhower's administration, this situation has been reversed. We ended the Korean War. By strong, firm leadership, we have kept out of other wars, and we have avoided surrender of principle or territory at the conference table.
Now why were we successful, as our predecessors were not successful? I think there are severa1 reasons. In the first place, they made a fatal error in misjudging the Communists, in trying to applying to them the same rules of conduct that you would app1y to the 1eaders of the free world. One of the major errors they made was the one that led to the Korean War. In ruling out the defense of Korea, they invited aggression in that area, they thought they were going to have peace, it brought war
We learned from their mistakes, and so in our seven years, we find that we have been firm in our diplomacy We have never made concessions without getting concessions in return. We have always been willing to go the extra mile to negotiate for disarmament or in any other area, but we have never been willing to do anything that in effect surrender freedom anyplace in the world. That is why President Eisenhower was correct in not apologizing or expressing regrets to Mr. Khruchev at the Paris conference, as Senator Kennedy suggested he could have done, that is why President Eisenhower was also correct in his policy in the Formosa Straits where he declined and refused to follow the recommendations, recommendations which Senator Kennedy voted for in 1955, again made in 1959, again repeated in his debates that you have heard, recommendations with regard to again slicing off a piece of free territory and abandoning it, if in effect, to the Communists.
Why did the President feel that this was wrong, and why was the President right and his critics wrong? Because again, this showed a lack of understanding of dictators, a lack of understanding particularly of Communists, because every time you make such a concession, it does not lead to peace, it only encourages them to blackmail you, it encourages them to begin a war And so I say, that the records show that we know how to keep the peace, to keep it without surrender Let us move now to the future.
It's not enough to stand on this record, because we are dealing with the most ruthless, fanatical leaders that the world has ever seen. That is why I say that in this period of the Sixties, America must move forward in every area. First of all, although we are today as Senator Kennedy has admitted, the strongest nation in the world militarily we must increase our strength, increase it so that we will always have enough strength that regardless of what our potential opponents have, if they should Iaunch a surprise attack, we will be able to destroy their war-making capabilities. They must know in other words, that it's national suicide if they begin anything. We need this kind of strength because we are the guardians of the peace.
In addition to military strength, we need to see that the economy of this country continues to grow It has grown in the past seven years. It can, and will grow even more in the next four And the reason that it must grow even more is because we have things to do at home, and also because we are in a race for survival, a race in which it isn't enough to be ahead, it isn't
enough simply to be complacent, we have to move ahead in order to stay ahead. And that is why in this field, I have made recommendations which I am confident will move the American economy ahead, move it firmly and soundly so that there will never be a time when the Soviet Union will be able to challenge our superiority in this field.
And so we need military strength, we need economic strength, we also need the right diplomatic policies. What are they? Again, we turn to the past f firmness, but no belligerence, and by no belligerence I mean that we do not answer insult by insult. When you are proud and confident of your strength, you do not get down to the level of Mr. Anruchev and his colleagues,
and that example that President Eisenhower has set, we will continue to follow
But all this by itself is not enough. It's not enough for us simply to be the strongest nation militarily the strongest economically and also to have firm diplomacy we must have a great goal, and that is not just to keep freedom for ourselves, but to extend it to all the world. To extend it to all the world because that is America's destiny To extend it to all the world because the Communist aim is not to hold their own, but to extend Communism. And you cannot fight a victory for Communism or a strategy of victory for Communism with a strategy simply of holding the line. And so I say that we believe that our po1icies of military strength, of economic strength, of diplomatic firmness first will keep the peace, and keep it without surrender. We also be1ieve that in the great field of ideals, that we can lead America to the victory for freedom, victory in the new1y developing countries, victory also in the capita1ist countries, provided we have faith in ourselves, and faith in our principles.
**************
(John F. Kennedy)
Mr. Howe, Mr. Vice President. First, let me again try to correct the record on the matter of Keen W1liam Matchship. I voted for the Formosa resolution in 1955, I've sustained it since .then, I've said that I agreed with the Administration policies. Mr. Nixon earlier indicated that he would defend Keen William Matchship even if the attacks on these islands, two miles of the coast of China, would not be part of a general attack on the Formosa in the Prescadories. I indicated that I would defend those islands if the attack were directed against Prescadories and Formosa, which is part of the Eisenhower policy I've supported that policy In the last week, as a member of the Senate Formulations Committee, I've re-read the testimony of General Twinning, representing the Administration in 1959, and the Assistant Secretary of State before the Formulations Committee in 1958, and I've accurately described the Administration policy and I support it wholeheartedly So that really isn't an issue in this campaign. It isn't an issue if Mr. Nixon, who now says that he also supports the Eisenhower policy nor is the question that all Americans want peace and security an issue in this campaign.
The question is: are we moving in the direction of peace and security? Is our relative strength growing? Is, as Mr. Nixon said, our prestige at an all time high, as he said a week ago, and that of the Communist at an all time low? I don't believe that it is. I don't believe that our relative strength is increasing. And I say that not as a Democratic standard-bearer, but as a citizen of the United States who is concerned about the United States. I look at Cuba, ninety miles off the coast of the United States. In 1957, I was in Havana, I talked to the American ambassador there, he said that he was the second most powerful man in Cuba. And yet, even though Ambassador Smith and Ambassador Gardner, both Republican ambassadors, both warned of Castro, the Marxist influences around' Castro, the Communist influences around Castro, both of them have testified in the last six weeks that in spite of their warnings to the American government, nothing was done.
Our security depends upon Latin America. Can any American looking at the situation in Latin America feel content with what's happening today? When a candidate for the Presidency of Brazil feels it's necessary to call, not on Washington during the campaign, but on Castro and Havana, in order to pick up the support of the Castro supporters in Brazil? At the American conference and Intra-Americas conference this summer, when we wanted them to join together in the denunciation of Castro and the Cuban Communists, we couldn't even get the Intra-American group to join together in denouncing Castro. It was rather a vague statement that they finally made. Do you know today that the Russians broadcast ten times as many programs in Spanish to Latin America as we do? Do you know we don't have a single program sponsored by our government to Cuba? To tell them our story to tell them that we are their friends, that we want them to be free again.
Africa is now the emerging area of the world. It contains twenty-five percent of all the members of the General Assembly We didn't even have a bureau of African Affairs until 1957. In the Africa south of the Sahara, which is the major new section, we have less students from all of Africa in that area studying under government auspices today than from the country of Thailand? If it's one thing that African countries needs, it's technical assistance, and yet last year, we gave them less than five per cent of all the technical assistance funds that we distributed around the world. We relied in the Middle East on the Baghdad Pact, and yet when the Iraqi government was changed, the Baghdad Pact broke down. We relied on the Eisenhower Doctrine for the Middle East which passed the Senate. There isn't one country in the Middle East that now endorses the Eisenhower Doctrine.
We look to Asia, because the struggles in the under-developed world, which system, Communism or Freedom, will triumph in the next five or ten years. That's what should concern us, not the history of ten or fifteen or twenty years ago, but are we doing enough in these areas? What are freedom's chances in those areas. By 1965, 1970, will there be other Cubas in Latin America? Will Guinea and Ghana, which have now voted with the Communists Ghana, which have now voted with the Communists frequently as newly independently countries of Africa, will there be others? Will the Congo government? Will other countries? Are we doing enough in that area? And what about Asia? Is India going to win the economic struggle, or is China going to win it? Who will dominate Asia in the next five or ten years: Communism, the Chinese, or will freedom? The question which we have to decide as Americans: are we doing enough today? Is our strength and prestige rising? Do people want to be identified with us? Do they want to follow the United States' leadership? I don't think they do enough, and that's what concerns me.
In Africa, the countries that have newly joined the United Nations, on the question of the admission of Red China, only two countries, in all of Africa, voted with usf Liberia and the
Union of South Africa. The rest either abstained or voted against us. More countries in Asia voted against us on that question than voted with us. I believed that this struggle is going to go on and it might well be decided in the next decade. I've seen Cuba go to the Communists, I've seen Communism influence and Castro influence rise in Latin America, I've seen us ignored in Africa. There are six countries in Africa that are members of the United Nations, there isn't a single American diplomatic representative in any one of those six. When Guinea became independent, the Soviet ambassador showed up that very day we didn't recognize them for two months, the American ambassador didn't show up for nearly eight months.
I believe that the world is changing fast, and I don't think this Administration has shown the foresight, has shown the knowledge, has been identified with the great fight which these people are waging to be free, to get a better standard of living, to live better The average income in some of those countries is 25 dollars a year The Communists say come with us, look what we have done. And we've been, on the whole, uninterested. I think we are going to have to do better. Mr. Nixon talks about us being the strongest country in the world, I think we are today But we were far stronger relative to the Communists five years ago, and what is of great concern is that the balance of power is in danger of moving with them. They made a break-through in missiles, and by 1961, 2, and 3, they will be out-numbering us in missiles. I am not as confident as he is that we will be the strongest military power by 1963. He talks about economic growth as a great indicator for freedom, I agree with him. What we do in this country the kind of society that we build, that will te1l whether freedom wil1 be sustained around the world, and yet in the last nine months of this year, we've had a drop in our economic growth rather than a gain. We had the lowest rate of increase in economic growth in the last nine months of any major industrialized society in the world.
I look up and see the Soviet flag on the moon. The fact is that the State Department polls on our prestige and influence around the world has shown such a sharp drop that up until now the State Department has been unwilling to release them, and yet they were polled by the USA. The point of all this ist this is a struggle in which we are engaged. We want peace, we want freedom, we want security we want to be stronger, we want freedom to gain. But I don't believe that in these changing and revolutionary times, this Administration has known that the world is changing, has identified itself with that change. I think the Communist has been moving with vigor Laos, Africa, Cuba, all around the world, they are on the move. I think we have to revitalize our society I think we have to demonstrate to the people of the world that we are determined in this free country of ours to be first, not first if, not first but, not first when, but first. And when we are strong, and we are first, then freedom gains, then the prospect for peace increase, and the prospect for our prosperity gain.
(Richard Nixon&John F. Kennedy)
Oct. 21, 1960.
第 四 次 辩 论
1960.10.21.
（理查德·尼克松&约翰·肯尼迪）
The fourth debate
In 1960, both Senator John F. Kennedy and Vice-President Richard M. Nixon ran strong campaigns for the presidency, but the former's impressive performance in four televised debates helped make the difference. Kennedy, 43, became the youngest person and the first Roman Catholic elected to the presidency with his narrow victory over Nixon.
Mr. Howe, Senator Kennedy, my fellow Americans,
Since this campaign began, I have had a very rare privilege: I have traveled to 48 of the 50 states, and in my travels, I've learned what the people of the United States are thinking about. There is one issue that stands out above all the rest, one in which every American is concerned, regardless of what group he may be a member and regardless of where he may live. And that issue very simply stated is this: how can we keep the peace? Keep it without surrender. How can we extend freedom? Extend it without war
Now in determining how we deal with this issue, we must find the answer to a very important, but simple question: who threatens the peace? Who threatens freedom in the world? There is only one threat to peace, and one threat to freedom that which is presented by the international Communist movement. And therefore, if we are to have peace, if we are to keep our own freedom and extend it to others without war, we must know how to deal with the Communists and their leaders. I know Mr. Khruchev I also have had the opportunity of knowing and meeting other Communist leaders in the world, I believe there are certain principles we must find in dealing with him and his colleagues, principles if followed, will keep the peace and that also can extend freedom.
First, we have to learn from the past, because we cannot afford to make the mistakes of the past. In the seven years before this administration came into power in Washington, we found that six hundred million people went behind the Iron Curtain, and at the end of that seven years, we were engaged in a war in Korea, which caused over thirty thousand American lives. In the past seven years, in President Eisenhower's administration, this situation has been reversed. We ended the Korean War. By strong, firm leadership, we have kept out of other wars, and we have avoided surrender of principle or territory at the conference table.
Now why were we successful, as our predecessors were not successful? I think there are severa1 reasons. In the first place, they made a fatal error in misjudging the Communists, in trying to applying to them the same rules of conduct that you would app1y to the 1eaders of the free world. One of the major errors they made was the one that led to the Korean War. In ruling out the defense of Korea, they invited aggression in that area, they thought they were going to have peace, it brought war
We learned from their mistakes, and so in our seven years, we find that we have been firm in our diplomacy We have never made concessions without getting concessions in return. We have always been willing to go the extra mile to negotiate for disarmament or in any other area, but we have never been willing to do anything that in effect surrender freedom anyplace in the world. That is why President Eisenhower was correct in not apologizing or expressing regrets to Mr. Khruchev at the Paris conference, as Senator Kennedy suggested he could have done, that is why President Eisenhower was also correct in his policy in the Formosa Straits where he declined and refused to follow the recommendations, recommendations which Senator Kennedy voted for in 1955, again made in 1959, again repeated in his debates that you have heard, recommendations with regard to again slicing off a piece of free territory and abandoning it, if in effect, to the Communists.
Why did the President feel that this was wrong, and why was the President right and his critics wrong? Because again, this showed a lack of understanding of dictators, a lack of understanding particularly of Communists, because every time you make such a concession, it does not lead to peace, it only encourages them to blackmail you, it encourages them to begin a war And so I say, that the records show that we know how to keep the peace, to keep it without surrender Let us move now to the future.
It's not enough to stand on this record, because we are dealing with the most ruthless, fanatical leaders that the world has ever seen. That is why I say that in this period of the Sixties, America must move forward in every area. First of all, although we are today as Senator Kennedy has admitted, the strongest nation in the world militarily we must increase our strength, increase it so that we will always have enough strength that regardless of what our potential opponents have, if they should Iaunch a surprise attack, we will be able to destroy their war-making capabilities. They must know in other words, that it's national suicide if they begin anything. We need this kind of strength because we are the guardians of the peace.
In addition to military strength, we need to see that the economy of this country continues to grow It has grown in the past seven years. It can, and will grow even more in the next four And the reason that it must grow even more is because we have things to do at home, and also because we are in a race for survival, a race in which it isn't enough to be ahead, it isn't
enough simply to be complacent, we have to move ahead in order to stay ahead. And that is why in this field, I have made recommendations which I am confident will move the American economy ahead, move it firmly and soundly so that there will never be a time when the Soviet Union will be able to challenge our superiority in this field.
And so we need military strength, we need economic strength, we also need the right diplomatic policies. What are they? Again, we turn to the past f firmness, but no belligerence, and by no belligerence I mean that we do not answer insult by insult. When you are proud and confident of your strength, you do not get down to the level of Mr. Anruchev and his colleagues,
and that example that President Eisenhower has set, we will continue to follow
But all this by itself is not enough. It's not enough for us simply to be the strongest nation militarily the strongest economically and also to have firm diplomacy we must have a great goal, and that is not just to keep freedom for ourselves, but to extend it to all the world. To extend it to all the world because that is America's destiny To extend it to all the world because the Communist aim is not to hold their own, but to extend Communism. And you cannot fight a victory for Communism or a strategy of victory for Communism with a strategy simply of holding the line. And so I say that we believe that our po1icies of military strength, of economic strength, of diplomatic firmness first will keep the peace, and keep it without surrender. We also be1ieve that in the great field of ideals, that we can lead America to the victory for freedom, victory in the new1y developing countries, victory also in the capita1ist countries, provided we have faith in ourselves, and faith in our principles.
**************
(John F. Kennedy)
Mr. Howe, Mr. Vice President. First, let me again try to correct the record on the matter of Keen W1liam Matchship. I voted for the Formosa resolution in 1955, I've sustained it since .then, I've said that I agreed with the Administration policies. Mr. Nixon earlier indicated that he would defend Keen William Matchship even if the attacks on these islands, two miles of the coast of China, would not be part of a general attack on the Formosa in the Prescadories. I indicated that I would defend those islands if the attack were directed against Prescadories and Formosa, which is part of the Eisenhower policy I've supported that policy In the last week, as a member of the Senate Formulations Committee, I've re-read the testimony of General Twinning, representing the Administration in 1959, and the Assistant Secretary of State before the Formulations Committee in 1958, and I've accurately described the Administration policy and I support it wholeheartedly So that really isn't an issue in this campaign. It isn't an issue if Mr. Nixon, who now says that he also supports the Eisenhower policy nor is the question that all Americans want peace and security an issue in this campaign.
The question is: are we moving in the direction of peace and security? Is our relative strength growing? Is, as Mr. Nixon said, our prestige at an all time high, as he said a week ago, and that of the Communist at an all time low? I don't believe that it is. I don't believe that our relative strength is increasing. And I say that not as a Democratic standard-bearer, but as a citizen of the United States who is concerned about the United States. I look at Cuba, ninety miles off the coast of the United States. In 1957, I was in Havana, I talked to the American ambassador there, he said that he was the second most powerful man in Cuba. And yet, even though Ambassador Smith and Ambassador Gardner, both Republican ambassadors, both warned of Castro, the Marxist influences around' Castro, the Communist influences around Castro, both of them have testified in the last six weeks that in spite of their warnings to the American government, nothing was done.
Our security depends upon Latin America. Can any American looking at the situation in Latin America feel content with what's happening today? When a candidate for the Presidency of Brazil feels it's necessary to call, not on Washington during the campaign, but on Castro and Havana, in order to pick up the support of the Castro supporters in Brazil? At the American conference and Intra-Americas conference this summer, when we wanted them to join together in the denunciation of Castro and the Cuban Communists, we couldn't even get the Intra-American group to join together in denouncing Castro. It was rather a vague statement that they finally made. Do you know today that the Russians broadcast ten times as many programs in Spanish to Latin America as we do? Do you know we don't have a single program sponsored by our government to Cuba? To tell them our story to tell them that we are their friends, that we want them to be free again.
Africa is now the emerging area of the world. It contains twenty-five percent of all the members of the General Assembly We didn't even have a bureau of African Affairs until 1957. In the Africa south of the Sahara, which is the major new section, we have less students from all of Africa in that area studying under government auspices today than from the country of Thailand? If it's one thing that African countries needs, it's technical assistance, and yet last year, we gave them less than five per cent of all the technical assistance funds that we distributed around the world. We relied in the Middle East on the Baghdad Pact, and yet when the Iraqi government was changed, the Baghdad Pact broke down. We relied on the Eisenhower Doctrine for the Middle East which passed the Senate. There isn't one country in the Middle East that now endorses the Eisenhower Doctrine.
We look to Asia, because the struggles in the under-developed world, which system, Communism or Freedom, will triumph in the next five or ten years. That's what should concern us, not the history of ten or fifteen or twenty years ago, but are we doing enough in these areas? What are freedom's chances in those areas. By 1965, 1970, will there be other Cubas in Latin America? Will Guinea and Ghana, which have now voted with the Communists Ghana, which have now voted with the Communists frequently as newly independently countries of Africa, will there be others? Will the Congo government? Will other countries? Are we doing enough in that area? And what about Asia? Is India going to win the economic struggle, or is China going to win it? Who will dominate Asia in the next five or ten years: Communism, the Chinese, or will freedom? The question which we have to decide as Americans: are we doing enough today? Is our strength and prestige rising? Do people want to be identified with us? Do they want to follow the United States' leadership? I don't think they do enough, and that's what concerns me.
In Africa, the countries that have newly joined the United Nations, on the question of the admission of Red China, only two countries, in all of Africa, voted with usf Liberia and the
Union of South Africa. The rest either abstained or voted against us. More countries in Asia voted against us on that question than voted with us. I believed that this struggle is going to go on and it might well be decided in the next decade. I've seen Cuba go to the Communists, I've seen Communism influence and Castro influence rise in Latin America, I've seen us ignored in Africa. There are six countries in Africa that are members of the United Nations, there isn't a single American diplomatic representative in any one of those six. When Guinea became independent, the Soviet ambassador showed up that very day we didn't recognize them for two months, the American ambassador didn't show up for nearly eight months.
I believe that the world is changing fast, and I don't think this Administration has shown the foresight, has shown the knowledge, has been identified with the great fight which these people are waging to be free, to get a better standard of living, to live better The average income in some of those countries is 25 dollars a year The Communists say come with us, look what we have done. And we've been, on the whole, uninterested. I think we are going to have to do better. Mr. Nixon talks about us being the strongest country in the world, I think we are today But we were far stronger relative to the Communists five years ago, and what is of great concern is that the balance of power is in danger of moving with them. They made a break-through in missiles, and by 1961, 2, and 3, they will be out-numbering us in missiles. I am not as confident as he is that we will be the strongest military power by 1963. He talks about economic growth as a great indicator for freedom, I agree with him. What we do in this country the kind of society that we build, that will te1l whether freedom wil1 be sustained around the world, and yet in the last nine months of this year, we've had a drop in our economic growth rather than a gain. We had the lowest rate of increase in economic growth in the last nine months of any major industrialized society in the world.
I look up and see the Soviet flag on the moon. The fact is that the State Department polls on our prestige and influence around the world has shown such a sharp drop that up until now the State Department has been unwilling to release them, and yet they were polled by the USA. The point of all this ist this is a struggle in which we are engaged. We want peace, we want freedom, we want security we want to be stronger, we want freedom to gain. But I don't believe that in these changing and revolutionary times, this Administration has known that the world is changing, has identified itself with that change. I think the Communist has been moving with vigor Laos, Africa, Cuba, all around the world, they are on the move. I think we have to revitalize our society I think we have to demonstrate to the people of the world that we are determined in this free country of ours to be first, not first if, not first but, not first when, but first. And when we are strong, and we are first, then freedom gains, then the prospect for peace increase, and the prospect for our prosperity gain.
War Comes to Europe (Herbert Hoover)
War Comes to Europe
(Herbert Hoover)
Sept. 1, 1939.
战争降临欧洲
（赫伯特·胡佛）
1939.9.1
Brief introduction to the speaker :
Herber Hoover (1874-1964) When United States voters elected Herbert Hoover, who had established a worldwide reputation as mining engineer, writer, and war-relief administrator, 31st president in 1928, the country was enjoying an industrial and financial boom. Within seven months of his taking office, however, the country was swallowed up in the Great Depression that swept the entire world. Hoover's conservative economics were inappropriate for dealing with the crisis. By the end of his term more than 12 million people were unemployed. Blamed for the hard times, he was defeated in the 1932 election.
Fellow Americans of the radio audience, this is one of the saddest weeks that has come to humanity in a hundred years. A senseless war seems inevitably forced upon hundreds of millions of people. The whole world still prays for some miracle that might deliver us. For war means the killing of millions of the best and the most courageous of men who might contribute something to human progress. It means the kil1ing and starvation ofmil1ions of women and children. It means another quarter of a century of impoverishment for the whole world. And it will likely be a long war, it is possible that the brave people of Poland may be overrun in a few months, but there seems no point of access from which an overwhelming attack can be delivered from the British and French on one side, to the Germans on the other, which might quickly end this war. It's like1y to be a war of slow attrition, and the fate of Poland will depend upon its ending. The air defenses of France and England, their greatly superior nava1 strength, their manpower resources, their resolution, make it certain that they can defend themselves. And it is true that vast fleets of airplanes on both sides contribute a new and uncertain factor, but there is nothing which proves that even the superiority in airplanes can win the war. And while assurances have been given that there will be no bombing of women and children, there may come a time of desperation when all restraints go to the winds It's likely to be the most barbarous war that we have ever known.
This situation in the world today is not the act of the German people themselves, it's the act of a group who hold them in subjection. The whole Nazi system is repugnant to the American people. The most of American sympathy will be to the democracies, but whatever our sympathies are, we cannot solve the problems of Europe. America must keep out of this war. The President and the Congress should be supported in their every efforts to keep us out. We can keep out, if we have the resolute national will to do so. We can be of more service to Europe and to humanity if we preserve the vitality and strength of the United States for use in the period of peace
which must sometime come. And we must keep out if we are to preserve for civilization the very foundations of democracy and of free men.
(Herbert Hoover)
Sept. 1, 1939.
战争降临欧洲
（赫伯特·胡佛）
1939.9.1
Brief introduction to the speaker :
Herber Hoover (1874-1964) When United States voters elected Herbert Hoover, who had established a worldwide reputation as mining engineer, writer, and war-relief administrator, 31st president in 1928, the country was enjoying an industrial and financial boom. Within seven months of his taking office, however, the country was swallowed up in the Great Depression that swept the entire world. Hoover's conservative economics were inappropriate for dealing with the crisis. By the end of his term more than 12 million people were unemployed. Blamed for the hard times, he was defeated in the 1932 election.
Fellow Americans of the radio audience, this is one of the saddest weeks that has come to humanity in a hundred years. A senseless war seems inevitably forced upon hundreds of millions of people. The whole world still prays for some miracle that might deliver us. For war means the killing of millions of the best and the most courageous of men who might contribute something to human progress. It means the kil1ing and starvation ofmil1ions of women and children. It means another quarter of a century of impoverishment for the whole world. And it will likely be a long war, it is possible that the brave people of Poland may be overrun in a few months, but there seems no point of access from which an overwhelming attack can be delivered from the British and French on one side, to the Germans on the other, which might quickly end this war. It's like1y to be a war of slow attrition, and the fate of Poland will depend upon its ending. The air defenses of France and England, their greatly superior nava1 strength, their manpower resources, their resolution, make it certain that they can defend themselves. And it is true that vast fleets of airplanes on both sides contribute a new and uncertain factor, but there is nothing which proves that even the superiority in airplanes can win the war. And while assurances have been given that there will be no bombing of women and children, there may come a time of desperation when all restraints go to the winds It's likely to be the most barbarous war that we have ever known.
This situation in the world today is not the act of the German people themselves, it's the act of a group who hold them in subjection. The whole Nazi system is repugnant to the American people. The most of American sympathy will be to the democracies, but whatever our sympathies are, we cannot solve the problems of Europe. America must keep out of this war. The President and the Congress should be supported in their every efforts to keep us out. We can keep out, if we have the resolute national will to do so. We can be of more service to Europe and to humanity if we preserve the vitality and strength of the United States for use in the period of peace
which must sometime come. And we must keep out if we are to preserve for civilization the very foundations of democracy and of free men.
The Truman Doctrine (Harry S. Truman)
The Truman Doctrine
(Harry S. Truman)
Mar. 12, 1947.
杜 鲁 门 主 义
（哈里·杜鲁门）
1947.3.12
Brief intr0duction to the speaker:
Harry Truman (1884-1972) in the afternoon of April 12, 1945, President Franklin D. Roosevelt died. That evening, at 7fO9 P.M., Vice-President Harry S. Truman took the oath of office as the 33rd president of the United States. On Dec. 31, 1946, President Truman declared an end to the period of World War ll hostilities. Early in 1947 the British said they could not support the Greek government after March 31. Many diplomats feared that the Soviet Union would then spread its power throughout the Middle East. President Truman met the problem by asking Congress for 400 million dollars to aid Greece and Turkey. Congress appropriated the money. This policy of aid, popularly known as the Truman Doctrine, was an American challenge to Soviet ambitions throughout the world.
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the Congress of the United States:
The gravity of the situation which confronts the world today necessitates my appearance before a grand session of the Congress. The foreign policy and the national security of this country are involved. One aspect of the present situation which I present to you at this time for your consideration and decision concerns Greece and Turkey
The United States has received from the Greek government an urgent appeal for financia1 and economic assistance. Preliminary report from the American Economic Mission now in Greece, and reports from the American ambassador in Greece, collaborate the statement of the Greek government that assistance is imperative if Greece is to survive as a free nation. I do not believe that the American people and the Congress wish to turn a deaf ear to the appeal of the Greek government.
Greece is not a rich country Lack of sufficient natural resources has airways forced the Greek people to work hard to lnake both ends meet. Since 194O, this industrious, peace-loving country has suffered invasion, four years of cruei, enemy-occupation, and bitter internal strife. When forces of Liberation entered Greece, they found that the retreating Germans had destroyed virtually all the rai1ways, roads, port facilities, communications, and merchant marine. More than a thousand villages had been burned, eighty-five percent of the children were tuberculated, livestock, poultry and drall animals had almost disappeared, inflation had wiped out practica1Iy a1I savings. As a result of these tragic conditions, a militant minority exploiting human mores and miseryl was able to create po1itica1 chaos which until now has made economic recovery impossible. Greece is today without fullds to finance the importation of those goods that are essential to bare subsistence. Under these circumstances, the peop1e of Greece cannot make progress in solving their problems of reconstruction. Greece is in desperate need of financial and economic assistance to enable it to resume purchases of food, clothing, fuel, and seeds. These are indispensable for the subsistence of its people and are obtainable only from abroad. Greece must have help to import the goods necessary to restore internal order and security so essential for economic and political recovery
The Greek government has also asked for the assistance of experienced American administrators, economists, and technicians, to ensure that the financial and other aid given to Greece shall be used effectively in creating a stable and self-sustaining economy and in improving its public administration.
The very existence of the Greek state is today threatened by the Lerrorist activities of several thousand armed men, led by Communists, who defy the government's authority at a number of points, particularly along the northern boundaries A commission appointed by the tJnited Natiolls Security Council is at present investigating disturbed conditiol1s in northern Greece, and alleged border violations along the tiontier between Greece on the one hand and A1bania, Bulgaria, and Yugoslavia on the other. Meanwhi1e, the Greek government is unable to cope with the situation. The Greek army is small and poorly equipped. It needs supplies and equipment. if it is to restore authority to the government throughout Greek territory Greece must have a system if it is to become a self supporting and self respecting democracy
The United States must supply this assistance. We have already extended to Greece certain types of relic and economic aid, but these are inadequate. There is no other country to which democratic Greece can turn. No other nation is willing, and able, to provide the necessary support for a democratic Greek government. We must take immediate and resolute action.
I therefore ask the Congress to provide authority for assistance to Greece and Turkey in the amount of 4 hundred million dollars for the period ending JuT1e 30, 1948. In requesting these funds, I have taken into consideration the maximum amount of relief assistance which would be furnished to Greece out of the 350 million dollars which I recently requested that the Congress authorize for the prevention of starvation and suffering in countries devastated by the war. In addition to funds, I ask the Congress to authorize the detail of American civilian and military personnel to Greece and Turkey at the request of those countries to assist in the tasks of reconstruction, and for the purpose of supervising the use of such financial and material assistance as may be furnished. I recommend that authority also be provided for the instruction and training of selected Greek and Turkish personnel.
Finally I ask that the Congress provide authority which will permit the speediest and most effective use in terms of needed commodities, supplies and equipment as such funds as may be authorized. lf further funds, or further authority should be needed for the purposes indicated in this message, I shall not hesitate to bring this situation before the Congress. On this subject, the executive and legislative branches of the government must work together We must keep that hope alive. The free people of the world look to us for support in maintaining their freedom. If we falter in our leadership, we may endanger the peace of the world, and we shall surely endanger the welfare of this nation. Great responsibi1ities have been placed upon us by the swift movement of events, I am confident that the Congress will face these responsibilities squarely
(Harry S. Truman)
Mar. 12, 1947.
杜 鲁 门 主 义
（哈里·杜鲁门）
1947.3.12
Brief intr0duction to the speaker:
Harry Truman (1884-1972) in the afternoon of April 12, 1945, President Franklin D. Roosevelt died. That evening, at 7fO9 P.M., Vice-President Harry S. Truman took the oath of office as the 33rd president of the United States. On Dec. 31, 1946, President Truman declared an end to the period of World War ll hostilities. Early in 1947 the British said they could not support the Greek government after March 31. Many diplomats feared that the Soviet Union would then spread its power throughout the Middle East. President Truman met the problem by asking Congress for 400 million dollars to aid Greece and Turkey. Congress appropriated the money. This policy of aid, popularly known as the Truman Doctrine, was an American challenge to Soviet ambitions throughout the world.
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the Congress of the United States:
The gravity of the situation which confronts the world today necessitates my appearance before a grand session of the Congress. The foreign policy and the national security of this country are involved. One aspect of the present situation which I present to you at this time for your consideration and decision concerns Greece and Turkey
The United States has received from the Greek government an urgent appeal for financia1 and economic assistance. Preliminary report from the American Economic Mission now in Greece, and reports from the American ambassador in Greece, collaborate the statement of the Greek government that assistance is imperative if Greece is to survive as a free nation. I do not believe that the American people and the Congress wish to turn a deaf ear to the appeal of the Greek government.
Greece is not a rich country Lack of sufficient natural resources has airways forced the Greek people to work hard to lnake both ends meet. Since 194O, this industrious, peace-loving country has suffered invasion, four years of cruei, enemy-occupation, and bitter internal strife. When forces of Liberation entered Greece, they found that the retreating Germans had destroyed virtually all the rai1ways, roads, port facilities, communications, and merchant marine. More than a thousand villages had been burned, eighty-five percent of the children were tuberculated, livestock, poultry and drall animals had almost disappeared, inflation had wiped out practica1Iy a1I savings. As a result of these tragic conditions, a militant minority exploiting human mores and miseryl was able to create po1itica1 chaos which until now has made economic recovery impossible. Greece is today without fullds to finance the importation of those goods that are essential to bare subsistence. Under these circumstances, the peop1e of Greece cannot make progress in solving their problems of reconstruction. Greece is in desperate need of financial and economic assistance to enable it to resume purchases of food, clothing, fuel, and seeds. These are indispensable for the subsistence of its people and are obtainable only from abroad. Greece must have help to import the goods necessary to restore internal order and security so essential for economic and political recovery
The Greek government has also asked for the assistance of experienced American administrators, economists, and technicians, to ensure that the financial and other aid given to Greece shall be used effectively in creating a stable and self-sustaining economy and in improving its public administration.
The very existence of the Greek state is today threatened by the Lerrorist activities of several thousand armed men, led by Communists, who defy the government's authority at a number of points, particularly along the northern boundaries A commission appointed by the tJnited Natiolls Security Council is at present investigating disturbed conditiol1s in northern Greece, and alleged border violations along the tiontier between Greece on the one hand and A1bania, Bulgaria, and Yugoslavia on the other. Meanwhi1e, the Greek government is unable to cope with the situation. The Greek army is small and poorly equipped. It needs supplies and equipment. if it is to restore authority to the government throughout Greek territory Greece must have a system if it is to become a self supporting and self respecting democracy
The United States must supply this assistance. We have already extended to Greece certain types of relic and economic aid, but these are inadequate. There is no other country to which democratic Greece can turn. No other nation is willing, and able, to provide the necessary support for a democratic Greek government. We must take immediate and resolute action.
I therefore ask the Congress to provide authority for assistance to Greece and Turkey in the amount of 4 hundred million dollars for the period ending JuT1e 30, 1948. In requesting these funds, I have taken into consideration the maximum amount of relief assistance which would be furnished to Greece out of the 350 million dollars which I recently requested that the Congress authorize for the prevention of starvation and suffering in countries devastated by the war. In addition to funds, I ask the Congress to authorize the detail of American civilian and military personnel to Greece and Turkey at the request of those countries to assist in the tasks of reconstruction, and for the purpose of supervising the use of such financial and material assistance as may be furnished. I recommend that authority also be provided for the instruction and training of selected Greek and Turkish personnel.
Finally I ask that the Congress provide authority which will permit the speediest and most effective use in terms of needed commodities, supplies and equipment as such funds as may be authorized. lf further funds, or further authority should be needed for the purposes indicated in this message, I shall not hesitate to bring this situation before the Congress. On this subject, the executive and legislative branches of the government must work together We must keep that hope alive. The free people of the world look to us for support in maintaining their freedom. If we falter in our leadership, we may endanger the peace of the world, and we shall surely endanger the welfare of this nation. Great responsibi1ities have been placed upon us by the swift movement of events, I am confident that the Congress will face these responsibilities squarely
Order of the Day (Dwight D. Eisenhower)
Order of the Day
(Dwight D. Eisenhower)
Jun. 6, 1944.
反 攻 动 员 令
（德怀特·艾森豪威尔）
1944.6.6
Brief introduction to the speaker :
Dwight D. Eisenhower (1890-1969) Turning to politics in 1952, Eisenhower proved to be a successful commander in that field also. After winning the Republican nomination for president he overwhelmingly defeated the Democratic candidate, Adlai E. Stevenson. He thus became the 34th president of the United States and the first Republican president in 20 years.
**************
Soldiers, sailors, and airmen of the Allied Expeditionary Force, you are about to embark upon the great crusade towards which we have striven these many months. The eyes of the world are upon you, the hopes and prayers oi liberty-loving people everywhere march with you.
In company with our brave allies and brothers in arms on other fronts, you will bring about the destruction of the German war machine. The e1imination of Nazi t3'ranny over the oppressed people of Europe, and security for ourselves in a free world. Your task will not be an easy one. Your enemy is wel1-trained, wel1-equipped, and battle-hardened. He will fight savagely But this is the year 1944, 1nuch has happened since the Nazi triumphs of 1940, 41. The united nations have inflicted upon the Germans great defeats in open battle, men to men. Our air offenses have seriously reduced their strength in the air and their capacity to wage war on the ground. Our
home fronts have given us an overwhelming superiority in weapons and ammunitions of wan and placed at our disposal, great reserves of trained fighting men. The tide has turned, the free men of the world are marching together to victory
I have full confidence in your courage, devotion to duty and skill in battle. We will accept nothing less than full victory Good luck and let us all beseech the blessing of almighty God upon this great and noble undertaking.
演讲者简介：
二战中，德怀特·艾森豪威尔将军成为历史上最成功的司令官，战后，他又以陆军总司令的工作为自己军事生涯增添光辉。之后，他作了北大西洋公约组织军队的最高司令。1952年，文森豪威尔转而从政，并证明他在政治舞台上同样是一名出色的领袖。在当选共和党候选人之后，他以压倒性多数战胜民主党候选人阿德莱·史蒂文森，成为第三十四位也是共和党二十年来第一位美国总统。
***********
各位联合远征军的海陆空战士们：
你们马上就要踏上征程去进行一场伟大的圣战，为此我们已精心准备了数月。全世界的目光都注视着你们，各地热爱和平的人们的期望与祈祷伴随着你们。
你们将与其他战线上的英勇盟军及兄弟一起并肩战斗，摧毁德国的战争机器。推翻压在欧洲人民身上的纳粹暴政，保卫我们在一个自由世界的安全。这是一个艰巨的任务。你们的敌人训练有素，装备精良，久经沙场。他们肯定会负隅顽抗。但是现在是1944年。与纳粹1940、41年连连取胜时大不相同。联合国在正面战场予以德军迎头痛击空军削弱了德军的空中力量和陆上战斗能力；后方弹药充足、武器精良、部署得当、后备力量丰富。潮流已经逆转，全世界自由的人们正在一起向胜利迈进。我对你们的勇敢、责任心和作战技巧充满了信心，我们迎接的只会是彻底的胜利。
祝你们好运，并让我们祈求万能的上帝祝福这伟大而崇高的事业获得成功。
(Dwight D. Eisenhower)
Jun. 6, 1944.
反 攻 动 员 令
（德怀特·艾森豪威尔）
1944.6.6
Brief introduction to the speaker :
Dwight D. Eisenhower (1890-1969) Turning to politics in 1952, Eisenhower proved to be a successful commander in that field also. After winning the Republican nomination for president he overwhelmingly defeated the Democratic candidate, Adlai E. Stevenson. He thus became the 34th president of the United States and the first Republican president in 20 years.
**************
Soldiers, sailors, and airmen of the Allied Expeditionary Force, you are about to embark upon the great crusade towards which we have striven these many months. The eyes of the world are upon you, the hopes and prayers oi liberty-loving people everywhere march with you.
In company with our brave allies and brothers in arms on other fronts, you will bring about the destruction of the German war machine. The e1imination of Nazi t3'ranny over the oppressed people of Europe, and security for ourselves in a free world. Your task will not be an easy one. Your enemy is wel1-trained, wel1-equipped, and battle-hardened. He will fight savagely But this is the year 1944, 1nuch has happened since the Nazi triumphs of 1940, 41. The united nations have inflicted upon the Germans great defeats in open battle, men to men. Our air offenses have seriously reduced their strength in the air and their capacity to wage war on the ground. Our
home fronts have given us an overwhelming superiority in weapons and ammunitions of wan and placed at our disposal, great reserves of trained fighting men. The tide has turned, the free men of the world are marching together to victory
I have full confidence in your courage, devotion to duty and skill in battle. We will accept nothing less than full victory Good luck and let us all beseech the blessing of almighty God upon this great and noble undertaking.
演讲者简介：
二战中，德怀特·艾森豪威尔将军成为历史上最成功的司令官，战后，他又以陆军总司令的工作为自己军事生涯增添光辉。之后，他作了北大西洋公约组织军队的最高司令。1952年，文森豪威尔转而从政，并证明他在政治舞台上同样是一名出色的领袖。在当选共和党候选人之后，他以压倒性多数战胜民主党候选人阿德莱·史蒂文森，成为第三十四位也是共和党二十年来第一位美国总统。
***********
各位联合远征军的海陆空战士们：
你们马上就要踏上征程去进行一场伟大的圣战，为此我们已精心准备了数月。全世界的目光都注视着你们，各地热爱和平的人们的期望与祈祷伴随着你们。
你们将与其他战线上的英勇盟军及兄弟一起并肩战斗，摧毁德国的战争机器。推翻压在欧洲人民身上的纳粹暴政，保卫我们在一个自由世界的安全。这是一个艰巨的任务。你们的敌人训练有素，装备精良，久经沙场。他们肯定会负隅顽抗。但是现在是1944年。与纳粹1940、41年连连取胜时大不相同。联合国在正面战场予以德军迎头痛击空军削弱了德军的空中力量和陆上战斗能力；后方弹药充足、武器精良、部署得当、后备力量丰富。潮流已经逆转，全世界自由的人们正在一起向胜利迈进。我对你们的勇敢、责任心和作战技巧充满了信心，我们迎接的只会是彻底的胜利。
祝你们好运，并让我们祈求万能的上帝祝福这伟大而崇高的事业获得成功。
On His Ninetieth Birthday (Oliver Wendell Holmes)
On His Ninetieth Birthday
(Oliver Wendell Holmes)
Mar.7,1931.
当九十岁来临时
（奥利佛·文德尔·荷默斯）
1931.3.7
Brief introduction to the speaker :
Oliver WendeIl HoImes (1841-1935) Oliver WendeIl Holmes, Jr., was known as "the great dissenter". In 1902 President Theodore Roosevelt appointed him an associate justice of the. United States Supreme Court. He served until he was almost 91 years old.
*******************
In this symposium, better is it to on1y sit in si1ence. To express one's feelings as the end draws near is too intimate a task. That l would mention only one thought that comes to me as a listener-in: the riders in a race do not stop short when they reach the goal, there is a little finishing canter before coming to a standstill, there is time to hear the kind voice of friends, and to say to oneself, the work is done. But just as one says that, the answer comes the race is over but the work never is done while the power to work remains. The canter that brings you to a standstill need not be only coming to rest, it cannot be while you still live. But to Ivies is to function, that is all there is in living. So I end with a land from a Latin voice who had heard the message more than fifteen hundred years ago death, death, clutch my ear, and says, live, I am coming.
演讲者简介：
奥利佛·文德尔·荷默斯以“大反对家”而著称。1902年，瑟奥多·罗斯福总统任命他美国最高法院陪审法官。他任此职将近91岁
*************
此刻，沉默是金。生命行将结束，要表达个人感受并非易事。我只想谈一下作为一名听众的想法。骑手们并非一到终点就即刻停止，而是继续缓步向前，倾听朋友的欢呼，并告诉自己行程结束了。但能力尚在，人生之行程就永未结束。终点之后的慢跑并非止步不前，因为活着便不能如此。活着就要有所作为，这就是生命的真谛。最后谨以一句古老的拉丁格言与诸位共勉：死神不至，生命不止。
(Oliver Wendell Holmes)
Mar.7,1931.
当九十岁来临时
（奥利佛·文德尔·荷默斯）
1931.3.7
Brief introduction to the speaker :
Oliver WendeIl HoImes (1841-1935) Oliver WendeIl Holmes, Jr., was known as "the great dissenter". In 1902 President Theodore Roosevelt appointed him an associate justice of the. United States Supreme Court. He served until he was almost 91 years old.
*******************
In this symposium, better is it to on1y sit in si1ence. To express one's feelings as the end draws near is too intimate a task. That l would mention only one thought that comes to me as a listener-in: the riders in a race do not stop short when they reach the goal, there is a little finishing canter before coming to a standstill, there is time to hear the kind voice of friends, and to say to oneself, the work is done. But just as one says that, the answer comes the race is over but the work never is done while the power to work remains. The canter that brings you to a standstill need not be only coming to rest, it cannot be while you still live. But to Ivies is to function, that is all there is in living. So I end with a land from a Latin voice who had heard the message more than fifteen hundred years ago death, death, clutch my ear, and says, live, I am coming.
演讲者简介：
奥利佛·文德尔·荷默斯以“大反对家”而著称。1902年，瑟奥多·罗斯福总统任命他美国最高法院陪审法官。他任此职将近91岁
*************
此刻，沉默是金。生命行将结束，要表达个人感受并非易事。我只想谈一下作为一名听众的想法。骑手们并非一到终点就即刻停止，而是继续缓步向前，倾听朋友的欢呼，并告诉自己行程结束了。但能力尚在，人生之行程就永未结束。终点之后的慢跑并非止步不前，因为活着便不能如此。活着就要有所作为，这就是生命的真谛。最后谨以一句古老的拉丁格言与诸位共勉：死神不至，生命不止。
First inaugural Address (Franklin D. Roosevelt)
First inaugural Address
(Franklin D. Roosevelt)
Mar. 4, 1933.
我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身
1933.3.4
富兰克林·罗斯福
Brief introduction to the speaker:
Franklin D. Roosevelt (1882-1945) Roosevelt became president in 1933. The United States was then in the grip of a world-wide business depression. Roosevelt used his powers to create jobs and to help those who needed helps. Many of Roosevelt's ideas of government are still part of the law of the land.
******************
President Hoover Mister Chief Justice, my friends:
This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction in the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impeIs. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly Nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today This great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper So first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself - nameless, unreasoning, un justified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.
In such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen, government of all kinds is faced by serious curtaiIment of income, the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side, farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.
More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plagUe of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and
were not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for Nature surrounds us with her bounty and human, efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition. Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money Stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.
Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civiIization. We may now restore that temp1e to the ancient truths. A measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.
Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too of ten has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty on honon on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance. Without them it cannot live.
Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This nation is asking for action, and action now.
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we take it wise1y and courageously It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.
Hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.
Yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are of ten scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by mere1y talking about it. We must act, we must act quickly.
And finally in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people-s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.
These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.
Through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making income balance outflow Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States of America - a recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery it is the immediate way it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.
In the field of world policy I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor. The neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does so, respects the rights of
others. The neighbor who respects his ob1igation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.
If I read the temper of our people correctly we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well. That if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discip1ine, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. We are all ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a 1eadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offet we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.
With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems. Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors. Our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.
And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority wi1l be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for underlay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.
We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.
We do not distrust the future of essential democracy The people of the United States have not failed. In their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift, I take it.
In this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the b1essings of God, may He protect each and every one of us, may He guide me in the days to come.
演讲者简介：
罗斯福在1933年成为总统。当时美国正陷于世界性的经济危机之中。罗斯福以他的能力为人民创造就业机会并带去援助。罗斯福的许事施政观点至今仍是美国治国方针的一部分。
*************
胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们：
今天，对我们的国家来说，是一个神圣的日子。我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。现在正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻。我们不必畏首畏尾，不老老实实面对我国今天的情况。这个伟大的国家会一如既往地坚持下去，它会复兴和繁荣起来。因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一种莫名其妙、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。
我和你们都要以这种精神，来面对我们共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面的。价值难以想象地贬缩了；课税增加了；我们的支付能力下降了；各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺；交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结；工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见；农场主的产品找不到销路；千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。
更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生存问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。
但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾害。我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在给予我们恩惠，人类的努力已使之倍增。富足的情景近在咫尺，但就在我们见到这种 情景的时候，宽裕的生活却悄然离去。这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了，他们固执己见而又无能为力，因而已经认定失败了，并撒手不管了。贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径。将受到舆论法庭的起诉，将受到人类心灵理智的唾弃。
是的，他们是努力过，然而他们用的是一种完全过时的方法。面对信贷的失败，他们只是提议借出更多的钱。没有了当诱饵引诱 人民追随他们的错误领导的金钱，他们只得求助于讲道，含泪祈求人民重新给予他们信心。他们只知自我追求者们的处世规则。他们没有眼光，而没有眼光的人是要灭亡的。
如今，货币兑换商已从我们文明庙宇的高处落荒而逃。我们要以千古不变的真理来重建这座庙宇。衡量这重建的尺度是我们体现比金钱利益更高尚的社会价值的程度。
幸福并不在于单纯地占有金钱；幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦，在于创造努力时的激情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励，而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些暗淡的时日能使我们认识到，我们真正的天命不是要别人侍奉，而是为自己和同胞们服务，那么，我们付出的代价就完全是值得的。
认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，我们就会抛弃以地位尊严和个人收益为唯一标准，来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念；我们必须制止银行界和企业界的一种行为，它常常使神圣的委托混同于无情和自私的不正当行为。难怪信心在减弱，信心，只有靠诚实、信誉、忠心维护和无私履行职责。而没有这些，就不可能有信心。
但是，复兴不仅仅只要改变伦理观念。这个国家要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。
我们最大、最基本的任务是让人民投入工作。只要我信行之以智慧和勇气，这个问题就可以解决。这可以部分由政府直接征募完成，就象对待临战的紧要关头一样，但同时，在有了人手的情况下，我们还急需能刺激并重组巨大自然资源的工程。
我们齐心协力，但必须坦白地承认工业中心的人口失衡，我们必须在全国范围内重新分配，使土地在最适合的人手中发表挥更大作用。
明确地为提高农产品价值并以此购买城市产品所做的努力，会有助于任务的完成。避免许多小家庭业、农场业被取消赎取抵押品的权利的悲剧也有助于任务的完成。联邦、州、各地政府立即行动回应要求降价的呼声，有助于任务的完成。将现在常常是分散不经济、不平等的救济活动统一起来有助于任务的完成。对所有公共交通运输，通讯及其他涉及公众生活的设施作全国性的计划及监督有助于任务的完成。许多事情都有助于任务完成，但这些决不包括空谈。我们必须行动，立即行动。
最后，为了重新开始工作，我们需要两手防御，来抗御旧秩序恶魔卷土从来；一定要有严格监督银行业、信贷及投资的机制：一定要杜绝投机；一定要有充足而健康的货币供应。
以上这些，朋友们，就是施政方针。我要在特别会议上敦促新国会给予详细实施方案，并且，我要向18个州请求立即的援助。
通过行动，我们将予以我们自己一个有秩序的国家大厦，使收入大于支出。我们的国际贸易，虽然很重要，但现在在时间和必要性上，次于对本国健康经济的建立。我建议，作为可行的策略、首要事务先行。虽然我将不遗余力通过国际经济重新协调所来恢复国际贸易，但我认为国内的紧急情况无法等待这重新协调的完成。
指导这一特别的全国性复苏的基本思想并非狭隘的国家主义。我首先考虑的是坚持美国这一整体中各部分的相互依赖性--这是对美国式的开拓精神的古老而永恒的证明的体现。这才是复苏之路，是即时之路，是保证复苏功效持久之路。
在国际政策方面，我将使美国采取睦邻友好的政策。做一个决心自重，因此而尊重邻国的国家。做一个履行义务，尊重与他国协约的国家。
如果我对人民的心情的了解正确的话，我想我们已认识到了我们从未认识的问题，我们是互相依存的，我们不可以只索取，我们还必须奉献。我们前进时，必须象一支训练有素的忠诚的军队，愿意为共同的原则而献身，因为，没有这些原则，就无法取得进步，领导就不可能得力。我们都已做好准备，并愿意为此原则献出生命和财产，因为这将使志在建设更美好社会的领导成为可能。我倡议，为了更伟大的目标，我们所有的人，以一致的职责紧紧团结起来。这是神圣的义务，非战乱，不停止。
有了这样的誓言，我将毫不犹豫地承担领导伟大人民大军的任务，致力于对我们普遍问题的强攻。这样的行动，这样的目标，在我们从祖先手中接过的政府中是可行的。我们的宪法如此简单，实在。它随时可以应付特殊情况，只需对重点和安排加以修改而不丧失中心思想，正因为如此，我们的宪法体制已自证为是最有适应性的政治体制。它已应付过巨大的国土扩张、外战、内乱及国际关系所带来的压力。
而我们还希望行使法律的人士做到充分的平等，能充分地担负前所未有的任务。但现在前所未有的对紧急行动的需要要求国民暂时丢弃平常生活节奏，紧迫起来。
让我们正视面前的严峻岁月，怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气，怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识，怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。我们的目标是要保证国民生活的圆满和长治久安。
我们并不怀疑基本民主制度的未来。合众国人民并没有失败。他们在困难中表达了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行动。他们要求有领导的纪律和方向。他们现在选择了我作为实现他们的愿望的工具。我接受这份厚赠。
在此举国奉献之际，我们谦卑地请求上帝赐福。愿上帝保信我们大家和每一个人，愿上帝在未来的日子里指引我。
(Franklin D. Roosevelt)
Mar. 4, 1933.
我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身
1933.3.4
富兰克林·罗斯福
Brief introduction to the speaker:
Franklin D. Roosevelt (1882-1945) Roosevelt became president in 1933. The United States was then in the grip of a world-wide business depression. Roosevelt used his powers to create jobs and to help those who needed helps. Many of Roosevelt's ideas of government are still part of the law of the land.
******************
President Hoover Mister Chief Justice, my friends:
This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction in the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impeIs. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly Nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today This great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper So first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself - nameless, unreasoning, un justified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.
In such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen, government of all kinds is faced by serious curtaiIment of income, the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side, farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.
More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plagUe of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and
were not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for Nature surrounds us with her bounty and human, efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition. Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money Stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.
Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civiIization. We may now restore that temp1e to the ancient truths. A measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.
Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too of ten has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty on honon on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance. Without them it cannot live.
Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This nation is asking for action, and action now.
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we take it wise1y and courageously It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.
Hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.
Yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are of ten scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by mere1y talking about it. We must act, we must act quickly.
And finally in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people-s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.
These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.
Through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making income balance outflow Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States of America - a recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery it is the immediate way it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.
In the field of world policy I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor. The neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does so, respects the rights of
others. The neighbor who respects his ob1igation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.
If I read the temper of our people correctly we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well. That if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discip1ine, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. We are all ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a 1eadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offet we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.
With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems. Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors. Our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.
And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority wi1l be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for underlay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.
We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.
We do not distrust the future of essential democracy The people of the United States have not failed. In their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift, I take it.
In this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the b1essings of God, may He protect each and every one of us, may He guide me in the days to come.
演讲者简介：
罗斯福在1933年成为总统。当时美国正陷于世界性的经济危机之中。罗斯福以他的能力为人民创造就业机会并带去援助。罗斯福的许事施政观点至今仍是美国治国方针的一部分。
*************
胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们：
今天，对我们的国家来说，是一个神圣的日子。我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。现在正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻。我们不必畏首畏尾，不老老实实面对我国今天的情况。这个伟大的国家会一如既往地坚持下去，它会复兴和繁荣起来。因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一种莫名其妙、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。
我和你们都要以这种精神，来面对我们共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面的。价值难以想象地贬缩了；课税增加了；我们的支付能力下降了；各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺；交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结；工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见；农场主的产品找不到销路；千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。
更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生存问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。
但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾害。我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在给予我们恩惠，人类的努力已使之倍增。富足的情景近在咫尺，但就在我们见到这种 情景的时候，宽裕的生活却悄然离去。这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了，他们固执己见而又无能为力，因而已经认定失败了，并撒手不管了。贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径。将受到舆论法庭的起诉，将受到人类心灵理智的唾弃。
是的，他们是努力过，然而他们用的是一种完全过时的方法。面对信贷的失败，他们只是提议借出更多的钱。没有了当诱饵引诱 人民追随他们的错误领导的金钱，他们只得求助于讲道，含泪祈求人民重新给予他们信心。他们只知自我追求者们的处世规则。他们没有眼光，而没有眼光的人是要灭亡的。
如今，货币兑换商已从我们文明庙宇的高处落荒而逃。我们要以千古不变的真理来重建这座庙宇。衡量这重建的尺度是我们体现比金钱利益更高尚的社会价值的程度。
幸福并不在于单纯地占有金钱；幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦，在于创造努力时的激情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励，而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些暗淡的时日能使我们认识到，我们真正的天命不是要别人侍奉，而是为自己和同胞们服务，那么，我们付出的代价就完全是值得的。
认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，我们就会抛弃以地位尊严和个人收益为唯一标准，来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念；我们必须制止银行界和企业界的一种行为，它常常使神圣的委托混同于无情和自私的不正当行为。难怪信心在减弱，信心，只有靠诚实、信誉、忠心维护和无私履行职责。而没有这些，就不可能有信心。
但是，复兴不仅仅只要改变伦理观念。这个国家要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。
我们最大、最基本的任务是让人民投入工作。只要我信行之以智慧和勇气，这个问题就可以解决。这可以部分由政府直接征募完成，就象对待临战的紧要关头一样，但同时，在有了人手的情况下，我们还急需能刺激并重组巨大自然资源的工程。
我们齐心协力，但必须坦白地承认工业中心的人口失衡，我们必须在全国范围内重新分配，使土地在最适合的人手中发表挥更大作用。
明确地为提高农产品价值并以此购买城市产品所做的努力，会有助于任务的完成。避免许多小家庭业、农场业被取消赎取抵押品的权利的悲剧也有助于任务的完成。联邦、州、各地政府立即行动回应要求降价的呼声，有助于任务的完成。将现在常常是分散不经济、不平等的救济活动统一起来有助于任务的完成。对所有公共交通运输，通讯及其他涉及公众生活的设施作全国性的计划及监督有助于任务的完成。许多事情都有助于任务完成，但这些决不包括空谈。我们必须行动，立即行动。
最后，为了重新开始工作，我们需要两手防御，来抗御旧秩序恶魔卷土从来；一定要有严格监督银行业、信贷及投资的机制：一定要杜绝投机；一定要有充足而健康的货币供应。
以上这些，朋友们，就是施政方针。我要在特别会议上敦促新国会给予详细实施方案，并且，我要向18个州请求立即的援助。
通过行动，我们将予以我们自己一个有秩序的国家大厦，使收入大于支出。我们的国际贸易，虽然很重要，但现在在时间和必要性上，次于对本国健康经济的建立。我建议，作为可行的策略、首要事务先行。虽然我将不遗余力通过国际经济重新协调所来恢复国际贸易，但我认为国内的紧急情况无法等待这重新协调的完成。
指导这一特别的全国性复苏的基本思想并非狭隘的国家主义。我首先考虑的是坚持美国这一整体中各部分的相互依赖性--这是对美国式的开拓精神的古老而永恒的证明的体现。这才是复苏之路，是即时之路，是保证复苏功效持久之路。
在国际政策方面，我将使美国采取睦邻友好的政策。做一个决心自重，因此而尊重邻国的国家。做一个履行义务，尊重与他国协约的国家。
如果我对人民的心情的了解正确的话，我想我们已认识到了我们从未认识的问题，我们是互相依存的，我们不可以只索取，我们还必须奉献。我们前进时，必须象一支训练有素的忠诚的军队，愿意为共同的原则而献身，因为，没有这些原则，就无法取得进步，领导就不可能得力。我们都已做好准备，并愿意为此原则献出生命和财产，因为这将使志在建设更美好社会的领导成为可能。我倡议，为了更伟大的目标，我们所有的人，以一致的职责紧紧团结起来。这是神圣的义务，非战乱，不停止。
有了这样的誓言，我将毫不犹豫地承担领导伟大人民大军的任务，致力于对我们普遍问题的强攻。这样的行动，这样的目标，在我们从祖先手中接过的政府中是可行的。我们的宪法如此简单，实在。它随时可以应付特殊情况，只需对重点和安排加以修改而不丧失中心思想，正因为如此，我们的宪法体制已自证为是最有适应性的政治体制。它已应付过巨大的国土扩张、外战、内乱及国际关系所带来的压力。
而我们还希望行使法律的人士做到充分的平等，能充分地担负前所未有的任务。但现在前所未有的对紧急行动的需要要求国民暂时丢弃平常生活节奏，紧迫起来。
让我们正视面前的严峻岁月，怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气，怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识，怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。我们的目标是要保证国民生活的圆满和长治久安。
我们并不怀疑基本民主制度的未来。合众国人民并没有失败。他们在困难中表达了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行动。他们要求有领导的纪律和方向。他们现在选择了我作为实现他们的愿望的工具。我接受这份厚赠。
在此举国奉献之际，我们谦卑地请求上帝赐福。愿上帝保信我们大家和每一个人，愿上帝在未来的日子里指引我。
Acceptance of nomination (Adlai Stevenson)
Acceptance of nomination (AdIai Stevenson)
JuI. 26, 1952.
接 受 提 名
（阿德莱·安蒂文森）
1952.7.26.
Brief introduction to the Speaker:
Stevenson, AdIai E. (1900-1965) U.S. statesman, born in Los Angeles, Calif., received law degree from Northwestern University 1926, elected governor of iIIinois in 1948 by a Large majority vote, Democratic candidate for U.S. president in 1952 and,1956 but defeated by the popular Dwight D.,Eisenhower, known as an eloquent speaker.
********************
Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen of the convention, my fellow citizens, I accept your nomination and your program. I should have preferred to hear those words uttered by a
stronger, a wiser a better man than myself, but after listening to the President's speech, I even feel better about myself None of you, my friends, can wholly appreciate what is in my heart. I
can only hope that you understand my words, they will be few I have not sought the honor you have done me. I could not seek it because I aspire to another once, which was the full measure of my ambition, and one does not treat the highest office within the gifts of the people of Illinois as an alternative or as a consolation prize. I would not seek your nomination for the Presidency because the burdens of that office stagger the imagination. It's potential for good or evil, now and in the years of our lives, smothers exaltations and converts vanity to prayer.
I've asked the merciful Father, the Father of us all, to let this cup pass on me, but from such dread responsibility one does not shrink in fear, in self interest, or in false humility So if this cup may not pass from me, I accept, I drink it, I will be done. That my heart has been troubled, that I have not sought this nomination, that I could not seek it in good conscience, that I would not seek it in honest self appraisal, is not to say that I value it the less. Rather it is that I revered the office of the Presidency of the United States. And now my friends that you have made your decision, I will fight to win that office with all my heart and my soul. And with your help, I have no doubt that we will win.
Sacrifice, patience, understanding and implacable purpose may be our lot for years to come. Let's face it, let's talk sense to the American people, let's tell them the truth that there are no gains without pains, that we are now on the eve of great decisions, not easy decisions, like resistance when you are attacked, but a long, patient, costly struggle which alone can assure triumph over the great enemies of meant war, poverty and tyranny and the assaults upon human dignity which are the victory to be won in the twentieth century this portal to the
golden age, mocks the pretensions of individuals, of human ingenuity for it is the citadel guarded by thick walls of ignorance and of mistrust which do not fall before the trumpet's blasts, or the politicians' implications, or even the general's batons. Where we have deserted it, we have failed. With your help, there will be no desertion now Better we lose the election than mislead the people, and better we lose than misgovern the people. Help me to do the job in this autumn of conflict and of campaign, help me to do the job in these years of darkness
engulfed in crisis which stretched beyond the horizon of tonight's happy vision, and we will justify our glorious past and the loyalty of silent millions who look to us for compassion, for understanding, and for honest purpose. Thus we will serve our great tradition greatly I ask of you all you have, I will give you all I have.
Even as he who came here tonight and honored me, as he has honored you, the Democratic party by a lifetime of service and bravery that will find him an imperishable page in the history of the Republic and of the Democratic Party President Harry S. Truman. And finally my friends in this staggering task that you have assigned me, I should always try to do justly to love mercy and to walk humbly with my God.
演讲者简介：
美国政治家，生于加州洛杉矶市，1926年毕业于西北大学法学院，1948年以压倒到多数选为伊利诺斯州州长1952年，1956两年，均被提名为民主党总统候选人。但两度为呼声更高的共和党候选人艾森豪威尔击败以能言善辩著名。
总统先生、与会的女士先生们、同胞们：我接受你们的提名和方案。我本以为这番话会由一个比我更强、更富有智慧、更好的人说出，但听了总统的发言后，我的自我感觉好了许多。朋友们：虽然你们中无人能完全了解我此时心中的万千思绪，但我希望你们能理解我简短的发言。我并没有想到你们会给我这样的荣誉。我本不会寻求提名，因为我已志在另一个部门，作为依利诺斯州的最高长官并不是一项无奈的选择，也不是给我的一个安慰奖，在那里，我的雄心壮志得到充分地发挥。我本不愿意寻求总统提名，因为那个职位的压力是难以想象的。在现在和我们过去的生活中，它都是一柄双刃剑，会使人越来越窒息、也会使人由空虚变得有信仰。
我曾经祈求仁慈的上帝，我们每一个人的上帝，让这杯酒在我面前不要停留，但如此的重担却让人无法因恐惧、因自私或因虚伪而退缩。所以，如果圣杯停在我面前，我就接受它、喝下它、我将完成我的使命。我的心曾充满苦恼，我在寻求提名过程中并不主动，也没有全力以赴，更没有给自己一个正确的评价，但这并不说明我低估了提名的价值。相反，这说明了我对美国总统一职的尊敬。现在，朋友们，你们已经做出了决定，我将全心全意地去斗争、去赢得胜利。相信有你们的支持，我们必将胜利。
接下来的几年，我们需要牺牲、耐心、理解和不达目的誓不罢休的决心。让我们正视它，让我们理智地面对美国人民，让我们告诉他们“一分耕耘，一分收获”的真理。我们正面临一个重大的抉择，一个困难的抉择，它不象受到攻击就反抗那么简单，而是一场持久的、需要耐心的、代价昂贵的战斗，要确保能战胜我们强大的敌人：战争、贫穷和暴政，它们带给人类最令人忧伤的结果就是对人类尊严的践踏。让我们告诉他们二十世纪将要取得的胜利，通往黄金时代的入口，对自我、对人类独创性的伪造都被挫败时的景象，因为现在这份景象正被无知与怀疑包围，即便是巨大的声浪、政治家的指示、将军的指挥棒都不能使它摧毁。如果放弃这片大本营，我们就是失败。但有你们的帮助，我们不会放弃。我们宁可选举失败，也不愿误导民众和不正确地管理民众。请帮助我在这个竞争不断的选举之秋完成这项工作，帮助我在卷入危机的黑暗年月完成这项工作，即使在今晚的欢乐中这危机依然笼罩。我们将公正地评价我们辉煌的过去和忠诚的前辈，他们正以同情、谅解、诚信的眼光沉默地看着我们，我们必须对我们伟大的历史负责。我希望得到你们的全力帮助，我自己也将为大家全力以赴。
今晚，杜鲁门总统来到这里，这是我的荣幸，也是民主党的荣幸，而杜鲁门总统一生对美国的服务和勇气，也使他成为共和国和民主党历史上不朽的篇章。最后，我的朋友们，你们将这项艰巨的任务交付给我，我必将公正地去做，仁慈地
JuI. 26, 1952.
接 受 提 名
（阿德莱·安蒂文森）
1952.7.26.
Brief introduction to the Speaker:
Stevenson, AdIai E. (1900-1965) U.S. statesman, born in Los Angeles, Calif., received law degree from Northwestern University 1926, elected governor of iIIinois in 1948 by a Large majority vote, Democratic candidate for U.S. president in 1952 and,1956 but defeated by the popular Dwight D.,Eisenhower, known as an eloquent speaker.
********************
Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen of the convention, my fellow citizens, I accept your nomination and your program. I should have preferred to hear those words uttered by a
stronger, a wiser a better man than myself, but after listening to the President's speech, I even feel better about myself None of you, my friends, can wholly appreciate what is in my heart. I
can only hope that you understand my words, they will be few I have not sought the honor you have done me. I could not seek it because I aspire to another once, which was the full measure of my ambition, and one does not treat the highest office within the gifts of the people of Illinois as an alternative or as a consolation prize. I would not seek your nomination for the Presidency because the burdens of that office stagger the imagination. It's potential for good or evil, now and in the years of our lives, smothers exaltations and converts vanity to prayer.
I've asked the merciful Father, the Father of us all, to let this cup pass on me, but from such dread responsibility one does not shrink in fear, in self interest, or in false humility So if this cup may not pass from me, I accept, I drink it, I will be done. That my heart has been troubled, that I have not sought this nomination, that I could not seek it in good conscience, that I would not seek it in honest self appraisal, is not to say that I value it the less. Rather it is that I revered the office of the Presidency of the United States. And now my friends that you have made your decision, I will fight to win that office with all my heart and my soul. And with your help, I have no doubt that we will win.
Sacrifice, patience, understanding and implacable purpose may be our lot for years to come. Let's face it, let's talk sense to the American people, let's tell them the truth that there are no gains without pains, that we are now on the eve of great decisions, not easy decisions, like resistance when you are attacked, but a long, patient, costly struggle which alone can assure triumph over the great enemies of meant war, poverty and tyranny and the assaults upon human dignity which are the victory to be won in the twentieth century this portal to the
golden age, mocks the pretensions of individuals, of human ingenuity for it is the citadel guarded by thick walls of ignorance and of mistrust which do not fall before the trumpet's blasts, or the politicians' implications, or even the general's batons. Where we have deserted it, we have failed. With your help, there will be no desertion now Better we lose the election than mislead the people, and better we lose than misgovern the people. Help me to do the job in this autumn of conflict and of campaign, help me to do the job in these years of darkness
engulfed in crisis which stretched beyond the horizon of tonight's happy vision, and we will justify our glorious past and the loyalty of silent millions who look to us for compassion, for understanding, and for honest purpose. Thus we will serve our great tradition greatly I ask of you all you have, I will give you all I have.
Even as he who came here tonight and honored me, as he has honored you, the Democratic party by a lifetime of service and bravery that will find him an imperishable page in the history of the Republic and of the Democratic Party President Harry S. Truman. And finally my friends in this staggering task that you have assigned me, I should always try to do justly to love mercy and to walk humbly with my God.
演讲者简介：
美国政治家，生于加州洛杉矶市，1926年毕业于西北大学法学院，1948年以压倒到多数选为伊利诺斯州州长1952年，1956两年，均被提名为民主党总统候选人。但两度为呼声更高的共和党候选人艾森豪威尔击败以能言善辩著名。
总统先生、与会的女士先生们、同胞们：我接受你们的提名和方案。我本以为这番话会由一个比我更强、更富有智慧、更好的人说出，但听了总统的发言后，我的自我感觉好了许多。朋友们：虽然你们中无人能完全了解我此时心中的万千思绪，但我希望你们能理解我简短的发言。我并没有想到你们会给我这样的荣誉。我本不会寻求提名，因为我已志在另一个部门，作为依利诺斯州的最高长官并不是一项无奈的选择，也不是给我的一个安慰奖，在那里，我的雄心壮志得到充分地发挥。我本不愿意寻求总统提名，因为那个职位的压力是难以想象的。在现在和我们过去的生活中，它都是一柄双刃剑，会使人越来越窒息、也会使人由空虚变得有信仰。
我曾经祈求仁慈的上帝，我们每一个人的上帝，让这杯酒在我面前不要停留，但如此的重担却让人无法因恐惧、因自私或因虚伪而退缩。所以，如果圣杯停在我面前，我就接受它、喝下它、我将完成我的使命。我的心曾充满苦恼，我在寻求提名过程中并不主动，也没有全力以赴，更没有给自己一个正确的评价，但这并不说明我低估了提名的价值。相反，这说明了我对美国总统一职的尊敬。现在，朋友们，你们已经做出了决定，我将全心全意地去斗争、去赢得胜利。相信有你们的支持，我们必将胜利。
接下来的几年，我们需要牺牲、耐心、理解和不达目的誓不罢休的决心。让我们正视它，让我们理智地面对美国人民，让我们告诉他们“一分耕耘，一分收获”的真理。我们正面临一个重大的抉择，一个困难的抉择，它不象受到攻击就反抗那么简单，而是一场持久的、需要耐心的、代价昂贵的战斗，要确保能战胜我们强大的敌人：战争、贫穷和暴政，它们带给人类最令人忧伤的结果就是对人类尊严的践踏。让我们告诉他们二十世纪将要取得的胜利，通往黄金时代的入口，对自我、对人类独创性的伪造都被挫败时的景象，因为现在这份景象正被无知与怀疑包围，即便是巨大的声浪、政治家的指示、将军的指挥棒都不能使它摧毁。如果放弃这片大本营，我们就是失败。但有你们的帮助，我们不会放弃。我们宁可选举失败，也不愿误导民众和不正确地管理民众。请帮助我在这个竞争不断的选举之秋完成这项工作，帮助我在卷入危机的黑暗年月完成这项工作，即使在今晚的欢乐中这危机依然笼罩。我们将公正地评价我们辉煌的过去和忠诚的前辈，他们正以同情、谅解、诚信的眼光沉默地看着我们，我们必须对我们伟大的历史负责。我希望得到你们的全力帮助，我自己也将为大家全力以赴。
今晚，杜鲁门总统来到这里，这是我的荣幸，也是民主党的荣幸，而杜鲁门总统一生对美国的服务和勇气，也使他成为共和国和民主党历史上不朽的篇章。最后，我的朋友们，你们将这项艰巨的任务交付给我，我必将公正地去做，仁慈地
Nobel Prize Speech (William Faulkner)
Nobel Prize Speech
(William Faulkner)
Dec. 10, 1950.
接受诺贝尔奖时的演说
（威廉·福克纲）
1950.12.10
Brief introduction to the speaker:
William Faulkner (1897-1962) The novels of William Faulkner rank among the most important books of the 20th century. For them Faulkner was awarded the 1949 Nobel prize in Literature. Faulkner wrote mostly about his hometown of Oxford, in Lafayette County. Miss.. After two apprentice novels, Faulkner wrote six of his best books between 1929 and 1932, among them are The Sound and the Fury, As I Lay Dying, and Sanctuary.
***************
I feel that this award was not made to me as a man, but to my work, a life's work in the agony and sweat of the human spirit. Not for glory and least of all, for profit, but to create out of the material of the human spirit something which did not exist before. So this award is only mine in trust. It would not
be difficult to find a dedication for the money part of it, commensurate for the purpose and significance of its origin. But I wou1d 1ike to do the same with the acclaim too by using this moment as a pinnacle from which I might be listened to by the young men and woman, already dedicated to the same anguish and travail, among whom is already that one who will someday stand here where I am standing.
Our tragedy today is a general and universal physica1 fear so long sustained by now that we can even bear it There're no longer problems of the spirit, there's only the question; "When will I be blown up?". Because of this, the young man or woman writing today has forgotten the problems of the human heart in conflict with itself, which alone can make good writing because only that is worth writing about, worth the agony and the sweat.
He must learn them again, he must teach himself that the basest of all things is to be afraid, and teaching himself that, forget it forever leaving no room in his workshop for anything but the old verities and truths of the heart. The old universal truths, lacking which any story is ephemeral and doomed: love and honor and pity and pride, and compassion and sacrifice.
Until he does so, he labors under a curse. He writes not of love, but of lust, of defeats in which nobody loses anything of value, of victories without hope, and most of all, without pity or compassion. His grief weaves on no universal bone, leaving no scars. He writes not of the heart, but of the glands. Until he re1earns these things, he will write as though he stood among and watched the end of mall. I dec1ine to accept the end of man. It's easy enough to say that man is immortal simply because he will endure, that from the last. ding-dong of doom and clang had faded from the last worthless rock hanging tireless in the last red and dying evening, that even then, there will be one more sound, that of his puny and inexhaustible voice still talking. I refuse to accept this, I believe that man will not merely endure, he will prevail. He is immortal, not because he alone among creatures has an inexhaustible voice, but because he has a soul, a spirit capable of compassion, and sacrifice, and endurance. The poets, the writers' duty is to write about these things, it's his privilege to help man endure, lifting his heart, by reminding him of the courage, and honor and hope and compassion and pity and sacrifice which have been the glory of his past. The poets' voice need not merely be the recall of man, it can be one of the props, the pillars to help him endure and prevail.
(William Faulkner)
Dec. 10, 1950.
接受诺贝尔奖时的演说
（威廉·福克纲）
1950.12.10
Brief introduction to the speaker:
William Faulkner (1897-1962) The novels of William Faulkner rank among the most important books of the 20th century. For them Faulkner was awarded the 1949 Nobel prize in Literature. Faulkner wrote mostly about his hometown of Oxford, in Lafayette County. Miss.. After two apprentice novels, Faulkner wrote six of his best books between 1929 and 1932, among them are The Sound and the Fury, As I Lay Dying, and Sanctuary.
***************
I feel that this award was not made to me as a man, but to my work, a life's work in the agony and sweat of the human spirit. Not for glory and least of all, for profit, but to create out of the material of the human spirit something which did not exist before. So this award is only mine in trust. It would not
be difficult to find a dedication for the money part of it, commensurate for the purpose and significance of its origin. But I wou1d 1ike to do the same with the acclaim too by using this moment as a pinnacle from which I might be listened to by the young men and woman, already dedicated to the same anguish and travail, among whom is already that one who will someday stand here where I am standing.
Our tragedy today is a general and universal physica1 fear so long sustained by now that we can even bear it There're no longer problems of the spirit, there's only the question; "When will I be blown up?". Because of this, the young man or woman writing today has forgotten the problems of the human heart in conflict with itself, which alone can make good writing because only that is worth writing about, worth the agony and the sweat.
He must learn them again, he must teach himself that the basest of all things is to be afraid, and teaching himself that, forget it forever leaving no room in his workshop for anything but the old verities and truths of the heart. The old universal truths, lacking which any story is ephemeral and doomed: love and honor and pity and pride, and compassion and sacrifice.
Until he does so, he labors under a curse. He writes not of love, but of lust, of defeats in which nobody loses anything of value, of victories without hope, and most of all, without pity or compassion. His grief weaves on no universal bone, leaving no scars. He writes not of the heart, but of the glands. Until he re1earns these things, he will write as though he stood among and watched the end of mall. I dec1ine to accept the end of man. It's easy enough to say that man is immortal simply because he will endure, that from the last. ding-dong of doom and clang had faded from the last worthless rock hanging tireless in the last red and dying evening, that even then, there will be one more sound, that of his puny and inexhaustible voice still talking. I refuse to accept this, I believe that man will not merely endure, he will prevail. He is immortal, not because he alone among creatures has an inexhaustible voice, but because he has a soul, a spirit capable of compassion, and sacrifice, and endurance. The poets, the writers' duty is to write about these things, it's his privilege to help man endure, lifting his heart, by reminding him of the courage, and honor and hope and compassion and pity and sacrifice which have been the glory of his past. The poets' voice need not merely be the recall of man, it can be one of the props, the pillars to help him endure and prevail.
Address before Congress (Douglas Macarthur)
Address before Congress
(Douglas MacArthur)
Apr.19,1951.
在 国 会 的 演 讲
1951.4.19
（道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟）
Brief introduction to the speaker:
Douglas Macarthur (i880-1964) In December 1944, Macarthur was made a five-star general of the Army. He and his family returned to the United States In 1951, In the speech before Congress he announced his retirement from active military service with the now famous Line from an old ballad, "Old soldiers never die--they just fade away" Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and distinguished members of the Congress,
I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride. Humility in the wake of all those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me. Pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate of any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration, They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest, if our cause is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American. I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness, in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country.
The issues are global, and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another is but to cause disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort, I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it's for us to counter his efforts. The Communist threat is a global one, its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You cannot
appease, or otherwise surrender to Communism in Asia. without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.
Beyond pointing out these general truisms. I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia s past. and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity or higher standard of life, such as guided our own noble administration of the Philippines. The peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just passed to throw off the shackles of colonialism, and now see the dawn of new opportunity: an heretofore unfelt dignity and the self-respect of political freedom. Mustering half of the earth's population and sixty percent of its natural resources. these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material. with which to raise their living standard and the adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adhere to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started. In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in constancy with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding and support, not imperialist directions.
It was my constant effort to preserve them. and end the savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and in minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me
the deepest anguish and anxiety. Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and my prayers, always.
I am closing my fifty-two years of military service. When I joined the army even before the turn of the century. it was the fulfillment of all my boytsh hopes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at WestPoint, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, But I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that old soldiers never die, they just fade away. And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career. and just fade away An old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty Good-bye.
(Douglas MacArthur)
Apr.19,1951.
在 国 会 的 演 讲
1951.4.19
（道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟）
Brief introduction to the speaker:
Douglas Macarthur (i880-1964) In December 1944, Macarthur was made a five-star general of the Army. He and his family returned to the United States In 1951, In the speech before Congress he announced his retirement from active military service with the now famous Line from an old ballad, "Old soldiers never die--they just fade away" Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and distinguished members of the Congress,
I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride. Humility in the wake of all those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me. Pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate of any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration, They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest, if our cause is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American. I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness, in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country.
The issues are global, and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another is but to cause disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort, I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it's for us to counter his efforts. The Communist threat is a global one, its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You cannot
appease, or otherwise surrender to Communism in Asia. without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.
Beyond pointing out these general truisms. I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia s past. and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity or higher standard of life, such as guided our own noble administration of the Philippines. The peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just passed to throw off the shackles of colonialism, and now see the dawn of new opportunity: an heretofore unfelt dignity and the self-respect of political freedom. Mustering half of the earth's population and sixty percent of its natural resources. these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material. with which to raise their living standard and the adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adhere to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started. In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in constancy with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding and support, not imperialist directions.
It was my constant effort to preserve them. and end the savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and in minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me
the deepest anguish and anxiety. Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and my prayers, always.
I am closing my fifty-two years of military service. When I joined the army even before the turn of the century. it was the fulfillment of all my boytsh hopes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at WestPoint, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, But I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that old soldiers never die, they just fade away. And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career. and just fade away An old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty Good-bye.
Loyal Opposition (Wendell WilIkie)
Loyal Opposition
(Wendell WilIkie)
Nov. 11, 194o.
忠诚的反对党
（温德尔·威基）
1940.11.11
~~~~~~>
Brief introduction to the speaker:
Wendell Willkie (1892-1944) Wendell WilIkie was a U.S. Lawyer and public utility executive, born. in Elwood, land., president Commonwealth and Southern Corporation from 1933 to 194o,Republican candidate for president 1940; author of One World.
********************
Good evening, America.
Twenty-two years ago today a great conflict raging on the battlefields of Europe came to an end. The guns were silent. A new era of peace began. And for that era, the people of our western world, our democratic world held the highest hopes. Those hopes have not been fulfilled. The democratic way of life did not become stronger. It became weaker. The spirit of constitutional government flickered like a dying lamp, and within the last year or so, the light from that damp has disappeared entirely upon the continent of Europe. We in America watch darkness fall upon Europe, and as we watch its approach, that important time for us, the national election of 1940. In that election, and in our attitudes after that election, the rest of the world would see an example of democracy in action, an example of a great people, faithful to their constitution and to their elected representatives. The campaign preceding this election stirred us deeply Millions upon millions of us who had never been active in politics took part in it. The people flocked to the polling places in greater numbers than ever before in history Nearly fifty mi1lion peop1e exercised, on November 5, the right of the franchise, the precious right which we inherited from our forefathers and which we must cherish and pass on to future generations. Thus it came about that although constitutional governments have been blotted out elsewhere, here in America, men and women kept it triumphantly alive. No matter which side you were on on that day, remember that this great free expression of our faith in the free system of government must have given hope to millions upon millions of others on the heroic island of Britain, in the ruined cities of France and Belgium, yes, perhaps even to people in Germany and in Italy It has given hope wherever man hopes to be free.
In the campaign preceding this election, serious issues were at stake. People became bitter, many things were said which in calmer moments might have been left unsaid, or might have been worded more thoughtfully But we Americans know that the bitterness is a distortion, not a true reflection of what is in our hearts. I can truthfully say that there is no bitterness in mine, I hope there is none in yours. We have elected Franklin Roosevelt President. He is your President, he is my President. We all of us owe him the respect due to his high office, we give him that respect. We will support him with our best efforts for our country and we pray that God may guide his hand during the next four years in the supreme task of administering the affairs of the people. It is a fundamental principle of the democratic system that the majority rules. The function of the minority, however, is equally fundamental. It is about the function of that minority twenty-two mil1ion people, nearly half of our electorate, that I wish to talk to you tonight.
A vital element in the balanced operation of democracy is a strong, alert and watchful opposition. That is our task for the next four years. We must constitute ourselves a vigorous, loyal and public-spirited opposition party It has been suggested that in order to present a united front to a threatening world, the minority should now surrender its convictions and join the majority This would mean that in the United States of America, there would be only one dominant party only one economic philosophy only one political philosophy of life. This is a totalitarian idea, it is a slave idea, it must be rejected utterly The British people are unified with a unity almost unexampled in history for its endurance and its valor, yet that unity co-exists with an unimpaired freedom of criticism and of suggestion. In the continued debates of the House of Commons, and the House of Lords, all of the government's policies, its taxation, its expenditure, its military and naval policies, its basic economic policies, are brought under steady friendly loyal, critical review Britain survives free. Let us Americans choose no lesser freedom.
In Britain, some opposition party leaders are members of the government, and some say that a similar device should be adopted here. That is a false conception of our government. When the leader of the British Liberal party or a member of the British Labor party becomes a member of the Churchill cabinet, he becomes, from the British parliamentary point of view an equal of Mr. Churchill's. This is because the British cabinet is a committee of the Houses of Parliament. It is a committee of equals wherein the Prime Minister is Chairman, a lofty Chairman indeed, and yet but a Chairman. The other members are his colleagues. With us, the situation as you well know is different. Our executive branch is not a committee of our legislative branch. Our President is independent of our Congress. The members of his cabinet are not his colleagues, they are his administrative subordinates. They are subject to his orders. An American President could fill his whole cabinet with leaders of the opposition party and still our Administration would not be a two-party administration. It would be an administration of a majority President giving orders to minority representatives of his own choosing. These representatives must concur in the President's convictions. If they do not, they have no alternatives except to resign. C1early no such device as this can give us in this country any self respecting agreement between majority and 1ninority for a concerted effort toward the national welfare. Such a plan for us would be but the shadow not the substance of unity Our American unity cannot be made with words, or with gestures, It must be forged between the ideas of the Opposition and the practices and the p0licies 0f the Administration. Ours is a government of the principles, and not one merely of men. Any member of the minority party though willing to die for his country still retains the right to criticize the policies of the government. This right is embedded in our constitutional system. We who stand ready to serve our country behind our Commander-in-Chief, nevertheless retain the right, and I will say the duty, to debate the course of our government. Ours is a two-party system, should we ever permit one party to dominate our lives entirely democracy would col1apse and we would have dictatorship.____ to you, who have so sincerely given yourselves to this cause, which you chose me to lead, I say your function during the next four years is that of the 1oyal opposition. You believe deeply in the principles that we stood for in the recent election, and principles are not like a footba1l suit to be put on in order to play a game, and then taken off when the game is over. It is your constitutional duty to debate the policies of this, or any other administration; and to express yourselves freely and openly to those who represent you in your state and national government. Now let me however, raise a single warning, ours is a very powerful opposition. On November 5, we were a minority by only a few million votes, but let us not therefore fall into the partisan error of opposing things just for the sake of opposition. Ours must not be an opposition against, it must be an opposition for, an opposition for a strong America, a productive America, for only the productive can be strong, and only the strong can be free.
And finally our government must change its punitive attitude towards both big and little business. Regulations there must be. We, of the opposition, have consistently recommended that, but the day of witch-hunting must be over. If this Administration has the unity of America within its heart, and I assume it has, it must consider, without prejudice, and with an open mind, such recommendations of the opposition. National unity can only be achieved by recognizing and giving serious weight to the viewpoint of the Opposition. Such a policy can come only from the Administration itself It will be from the suppression of the Opposition that discord and disunity will arise, the Administration has the ultimate power to force us apart, or to bind us together
And now a word about the most important, the immediate task that confronts this nation. on this, all Americans are at one purpose, there is no disagreement among us about the defense of America- We stand united behind the defense program, but here particularly as a minority party our role is an important one. It is to be constantly watchful, to see that American is effectively safeguarded and that the vast expenditure of funds which we have voted for that purpose is not wasted. And in so far as l have the privilege to speak for you, I express once more the hope that we have to maintain the ream of freedom in Britain and elsewhere by supplying those defenders with materials and equipment. This should be done to the limit of our ability but with due regard to our own defense. On this point, I think I can say without boast, that never in the history of American Presidential campaigns has a candidate gone further than I did in attempting to create a united front. However, I believe that our age should be given by constitutional methods and with the approval, accord and ratification of Congress. Only thus can the people determine from time to time, the course they wish to take and the hazards they wish to run.
Mr. Roosevelt and I both promise the peop1e in the course of the campaign that if we were elected, we would keep this country out of war unless attacked. Mr. Roosevelt was re-elected, and this solemn pledge for him, I know will be fulfi1led, and I know the American people desire him to keep it sacred.
Since November 5, I have received thousands and thousands of letters, as a matter of fact, tens of thousands of them, I have personally read a great portion of these messages. I am profoundly touched. They come from all parts of our country and from all kinds of people. They come from Catholics and Protestants, Jews and Christians, colored people and white people. They come from workers and farmers and clerks and businessmen; men and women of all the occupations that make up our American life. All of these letters and telegrams, almost without exception, urge that the cause that we have been fighting for be carried on. In your enthusiasm for our cause, you founded thousands of organizations, they are your own organizations, financed by you and directed by you. It is very appropriate for you to continue them if you fee1 so inclined. I hope you do continue them. It is not, however, appropriate to continue these organizations in my name. I do not want this great cause to be weakened by even a semblance of any personal advantage to any individual. I feel too deeply about it for that. 1944 will take care of itself
It is of the very essence of my belief that democracy is fruitful of leadership. I want to see all of us dedicate ourselves to the principles for which we fought. My fight for those principles has just begun, I shall advocate them in the future as ardently and as confidently as I have in the past. As Woodrow Wilson once said, "I would rather lose in the cause that I know someday would triumph than to triumph in a cause that I know someday would fail."
Whatever I may undertake in the coming years, I shou1d be working shoulder to shoulder with you for the defense of our free way of life, for the better understanding of our economic system, and for the development of that new America whose vision lies within everyone of us. Meanwhile, let us be proud, let us be happy in the fight that we have made. We have brought our cause to the attention of the world. Millions have welcomed it. As time goes on, millions more will find in it the hope that they are looking for We can go on from here with the words of Abraham Lincoln in our hearts: with malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God
gives us to see the right. Let us finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation-s wounds, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all
nations.
Good night and God bless and keep everyone of you.
演讲者简介：
文德水·威基生于印第安那州衣尔伍德，是美国律师和公共事业行政长官。1933－1940年，他任朕邦和南方公司总裁。1940年总统大选中是共和党候选人。著有《一个世界》一书。
************
晚上好，美国！
二十二年前的今天，一场席卷欧洲战场的重大战争结束了。枪声平息了。一个新的和平时代来临。西方民主社今对此寄予厚望。但那些期望并未突现。民主之势不强反弱。宪制政府的理念如残烛之光摇曳不定，去年更是从欧洲大陆上彻底消失。我们美国在看着黑暗降临欧洲，而此时，我们迎来了一个举足轻重的时刻——一九四零年全国大选。那次大选以及人民对大选的态度，向世界其他地区显示了一个真实民主的典范，人个伟大人民忠于宪法和当选者的典范。大选前的竞选运动深深打动了我们。数百万名从未热心于政治的群众参加进来。他们成群结队地涌向投票处，人数之众，史无前例。近五千万选民在11月5日那天行使了他们的选举权，这一我们从先辈手中接过，必须珍惜，并让它代代相传的宝贵权利。这样，无论其他什么地方的民主政府被摧毁，在美国，人们都会将这个权利发扬光大。大选那天无论你支持那一方，请记住，我们这种体现对于民主政府的信心的行动，会给予无数身处不列颠英勇的岛屿的、身处法兰西和比利时废墟城市的，甚至可能是身处德国和意大利的人们，带去希望。这行动已给所有渴望自由的人以希望。
投票前的竞选中，对敏感问题的争论十分激烈。人们变得尖刻，说了许多心平气和时不会说或措辞过激的话。但是我们美国人知道这是被扭曲了的，不是我们内心真实的写照。我可以开诚布公地说我心中没有尖刻，但愿你们也没有。我们选富兰克林·罗斯福做总统。他既是你们的总统，也是我的总统。他身处要职，我们应该尊重他，我们也确实尊重他。为了国家，我们将尽全力支持他，同时祈求上帝在随后的四年中，指引他完成管理人民事务这一至上的使命。这是以多类人为统治的民主制度的基本原则。但少数派的作用也同样重要。这是二千二百万人，约占选民总人数的一半人的作用。这个作用正是今晚我想向大家谈的。
民主要想稳步运行，一个强大的、警醒的反对派必不可少。这就是今后四年我们的任务。我们必须将自己建成一个生机勃勃、忠心耿耿、顺应民意的反对党。有人建议，力了对威胁我们的世界组成统一战绩，少数派现在不应谴责多数派，而应加入多数派。这就意味着在美利坚合众国，只有一个执政党、一套经济原理、一种政治理论。远是极权主人的想法，甘为奴隶的想法，必须坚决反封。英国人凭着历史上绝无仅有的忍耐力和勇猛，统一成一个整体，与之俱在丝毫未减的自由批评和建议。上议院与下议院的辩声不绝，政府所有的政策--税收政策、财政支出、军事与海上政策以及基本的经济政策，都是在经过坚定、友好、忠实和挑剔的检查后出台的。自由在英国得以幸存。让我们美国人选择不少于此的自由。
在英国，一些反对党的领袖是政府成员，有人建议美国也采用类似的作法。这是一个错误的概念。当英国自由党的领袖或一个英国工党的成员成为丘吉尔内阁的成员时，依照英国议会规定，其权力等同于丘吉尔先生。因为英国的内阁是一个议会委员会，委员会成员人人平等。首相是该委员会的主席，地位尊贵，但也仅此而已。其他成员都是他的同事。大家知道我们的情况是不同的。我们的行政部门并不是立法部门的委员全。总统与国会各自独立，内阁成员是总统的行政下属而不是总统的同事，听命于总统。哪怕内阁全部由反对党组成，政府仍然不会是一个两党统治的政府，而是一个由多数党的总统向由他选拔的少数党代表发号施令的政府。总统的意见与他们相左时，这些代表必须赞成，否则只能辞职。显然，在我们这样的国家，这样做不是真正的一致，而是虚幻的一致，不可能就国家安定在多数党和少数党之间达成体现各自意见的共识。美国的一致不是由话语或手势构成的，而是由执政党的实践和政策与反对党的意见融会而成。我们的政府是原则的政府，而不仅是人的政府。少数党的任何成员，即使愿意为国捐躯，仍持有批评政府政策的权利。这个权利铭刻在我们的宪法制度上。那些时刻准备听从总司令的命令服务国家的人们，仍拥有评论政府方针路线的权利---用我的话来说是义务。我们的体制是两党制，一旦允许完全由一党执政，民主即刻土崩瓦解，专政统治取而代之。所以，对你们——为我们的事业真挚奉献的人们，你们选我当你们的领袖，我要说、以后四年我们要做一个忠实的反对派。你们对最近选举中我们主张的原则深信不疑，原则不象足球服，场上穿，场下脱。检讨各行政机关的政策，向所在州和国家政府充当你们的代表的人们自由地、坦诚地发表意见，这是宪法赋予你们的义务。现在，让我提醒大家，我们是一个强有力的反对党。11月5日，我们只得到几百万张选票，但我们不要因此而偏激，为了反对而反对。我们的反对不是要毁掉，而是要建设强大、富饶的美国，因为只有富饶才能强大，只有强大才能自由。
最后，政府必须改变对大小事务一律惩罚的态度。必须制定有关法规。我们反对党应该不断提醒，政治迫害的日子必须结束。如果政府心中有美国整体—一我假设是有的—一就一定会不怀偏已地、胸怀坦荡地考虑反对党的这一建议。只有认识到反对党意见的重要性，并给予高度的重视，全国上下才能成为一个整体。这取决于执政党自身。不和谐、不一致皆因压制反对党。执政党可以强迫我们解散，一但也可以将我们团结起来。
现在我要讲讲国家面临的最重要，最紧迫的任务。在这一点上，全体美国人民目标一致，那就是保卫祖国。尽管身处后方，但作为反对党，我们扮演着重要的角色。这就是始终警醒，确保美国人民得到有效的防卫，我们通过的用于此目的的庞大的开支不被浪费。就此我有权对你们说，我再一次重申：希望通过提供物资和装备，帮助英国以及其它国家维持国家的自由。我们应该在适当考虑自身防卫的同时，尽力给予他们帮助。对于这一点，我可以豪不自夸地说，在历届美国总统竞选中，没有任何一位候选人象我这样不遗余力地促进统一战线的建立。然而，这一切应该通过宪法给予，得到国会的认同和批准。只有这样，人民才能不时决定他们愿意采取的路线和作出的冒险尝试。
竞选时，我和罗斯福先生都承诺，如果我们当选，我们将避免美国卷入战争，除非遭人攻击。罗斯福先生再次当选，我知道他一定会兑现诺言，我也知道美国人民期望他信守这一庄严承诺。
11月5日以来，我收到了成千上万封信。我亲自拜读了其中的大部分。我为之深深感动。这些信来自各地、各种人。有天主教徒，又有新教徒，有犹太教徒，又有基督教徒，有黑人，又有白人。这些信来自组成美国生活的各行各业、男男女女，有工人，也有农民，有文员，也有商人。所有这些信和电报，一无例外，强烈要求将我们为之奋斗的事业继续下去。出于对这一事业的热忱，你们成立了数以千计的组织。那是你们自己的组织。是你们自筹资金自己领导的组织。只要你们愿意，就请继续下去。我也希望你们能继续下去。但不宜以我的名义。我不愿意这一伟大的事业因此而被削弱，仅仅因为我个人表面上有着某些优于他人之处。对此我深有感触。这样，1944年的大选自会平安无事。
我深信民主主义硕果累累，希望看到所有的人献身于我们为之奋斗的原则中去。我个人为此的奋斗才刚刚开始，我将一如既往地倡导它们。正如伍德罗·威尔逊曾经说的：“我宁愿在终将成功的事业中遭受失败，也不愿在必定失败的事业里享受成功。”
来年无论我从事什么，都会与你们肩并肩，一起为保卫我们自由的生活，为更好地贯彻经济制度，为寄望于我们每一个人的新美国的发展而努力。同时，让我们在战斗中自豪和快乐。我们的事业已经引起了世界的关注，受到无数人的欢迎。当时光流逝，会有更多的人在其中发现他们一直找寻的希望。让我们用亚伯拉罕，林肯的一句名言继续下去：“对任何人不怀恶意，对一切人心存宽厚，按上帝的指引坚诗正义。”让我们继续努力完成正在从事的事业，包扎好国家的创伤，去做能在我们自己中间和与一切国家之间缔造并保持公正持久和平的一切事情。”
晚安，愿上帝保佑并眷顾你们每一位。
(Wendell WilIkie)
Nov. 11, 194o.
忠诚的反对党
（温德尔·威基）
1940.11.11
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Brief introduction to the speaker:
Wendell Willkie (1892-1944) Wendell WilIkie was a U.S. Lawyer and public utility executive, born. in Elwood, land., president Commonwealth and Southern Corporation from 1933 to 194o,Republican candidate for president 1940; author of One World.
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Good evening, America.
Twenty-two years ago today a great conflict raging on the battlefields of Europe came to an end. The guns were silent. A new era of peace began. And for that era, the people of our western world, our democratic world held the highest hopes. Those hopes have not been fulfilled. The democratic way of life did not become stronger. It became weaker. The spirit of constitutional government flickered like a dying lamp, and within the last year or so, the light from that damp has disappeared entirely upon the continent of Europe. We in America watch darkness fall upon Europe, and as we watch its approach, that important time for us, the national election of 1940. In that election, and in our attitudes after that election, the rest of the world would see an example of democracy in action, an example of a great people, faithful to their constitution and to their elected representatives. The campaign preceding this election stirred us deeply Millions upon millions of us who had never been active in politics took part in it. The people flocked to the polling places in greater numbers than ever before in history Nearly fifty mi1lion peop1e exercised, on November 5, the right of the franchise, the precious right which we inherited from our forefathers and which we must cherish and pass on to future generations. Thus it came about that although constitutional governments have been blotted out elsewhere, here in America, men and women kept it triumphantly alive. No matter which side you were on on that day, remember that this great free expression of our faith in the free system of government must have given hope to millions upon millions of others on the heroic island of Britain, in the ruined cities of France and Belgium, yes, perhaps even to people in Germany and in Italy It has given hope wherever man hopes to be free.
In the campaign preceding this election, serious issues were at stake. People became bitter, many things were said which in calmer moments might have been left unsaid, or might have been worded more thoughtfully But we Americans know that the bitterness is a distortion, not a true reflection of what is in our hearts. I can truthfully say that there is no bitterness in mine, I hope there is none in yours. We have elected Franklin Roosevelt President. He is your President, he is my President. We all of us owe him the respect due to his high office, we give him that respect. We will support him with our best efforts for our country and we pray that God may guide his hand during the next four years in the supreme task of administering the affairs of the people. It is a fundamental principle of the democratic system that the majority rules. The function of the minority, however, is equally fundamental. It is about the function of that minority twenty-two mil1ion people, nearly half of our electorate, that I wish to talk to you tonight.
A vital element in the balanced operation of democracy is a strong, alert and watchful opposition. That is our task for the next four years. We must constitute ourselves a vigorous, loyal and public-spirited opposition party It has been suggested that in order to present a united front to a threatening world, the minority should now surrender its convictions and join the majority This would mean that in the United States of America, there would be only one dominant party only one economic philosophy only one political philosophy of life. This is a totalitarian idea, it is a slave idea, it must be rejected utterly The British people are unified with a unity almost unexampled in history for its endurance and its valor, yet that unity co-exists with an unimpaired freedom of criticism and of suggestion. In the continued debates of the House of Commons, and the House of Lords, all of the government's policies, its taxation, its expenditure, its military and naval policies, its basic economic policies, are brought under steady friendly loyal, critical review Britain survives free. Let us Americans choose no lesser freedom.
In Britain, some opposition party leaders are members of the government, and some say that a similar device should be adopted here. That is a false conception of our government. When the leader of the British Liberal party or a member of the British Labor party becomes a member of the Churchill cabinet, he becomes, from the British parliamentary point of view an equal of Mr. Churchill's. This is because the British cabinet is a committee of the Houses of Parliament. It is a committee of equals wherein the Prime Minister is Chairman, a lofty Chairman indeed, and yet but a Chairman. The other members are his colleagues. With us, the situation as you well know is different. Our executive branch is not a committee of our legislative branch. Our President is independent of our Congress. The members of his cabinet are not his colleagues, they are his administrative subordinates. They are subject to his orders. An American President could fill his whole cabinet with leaders of the opposition party and still our Administration would not be a two-party administration. It would be an administration of a majority President giving orders to minority representatives of his own choosing. These representatives must concur in the President's convictions. If they do not, they have no alternatives except to resign. C1early no such device as this can give us in this country any self respecting agreement between majority and 1ninority for a concerted effort toward the national welfare. Such a plan for us would be but the shadow not the substance of unity Our American unity cannot be made with words, or with gestures, It must be forged between the ideas of the Opposition and the practices and the p0licies 0f the Administration. Ours is a government of the principles, and not one merely of men. Any member of the minority party though willing to die for his country still retains the right to criticize the policies of the government. This right is embedded in our constitutional system. We who stand ready to serve our country behind our Commander-in-Chief, nevertheless retain the right, and I will say the duty, to debate the course of our government. Ours is a two-party system, should we ever permit one party to dominate our lives entirely democracy would col1apse and we would have dictatorship.____ to you, who have so sincerely given yourselves to this cause, which you chose me to lead, I say your function during the next four years is that of the 1oyal opposition. You believe deeply in the principles that we stood for in the recent election, and principles are not like a footba1l suit to be put on in order to play a game, and then taken off when the game is over. It is your constitutional duty to debate the policies of this, or any other administration; and to express yourselves freely and openly to those who represent you in your state and national government. Now let me however, raise a single warning, ours is a very powerful opposition. On November 5, we were a minority by only a few million votes, but let us not therefore fall into the partisan error of opposing things just for the sake of opposition. Ours must not be an opposition against, it must be an opposition for, an opposition for a strong America, a productive America, for only the productive can be strong, and only the strong can be free.
And finally our government must change its punitive attitude towards both big and little business. Regulations there must be. We, of the opposition, have consistently recommended that, but the day of witch-hunting must be over. If this Administration has the unity of America within its heart, and I assume it has, it must consider, without prejudice, and with an open mind, such recommendations of the opposition. National unity can only be achieved by recognizing and giving serious weight to the viewpoint of the Opposition. Such a policy can come only from the Administration itself It will be from the suppression of the Opposition that discord and disunity will arise, the Administration has the ultimate power to force us apart, or to bind us together
And now a word about the most important, the immediate task that confronts this nation. on this, all Americans are at one purpose, there is no disagreement among us about the defense of America- We stand united behind the defense program, but here particularly as a minority party our role is an important one. It is to be constantly watchful, to see that American is effectively safeguarded and that the vast expenditure of funds which we have voted for that purpose is not wasted. And in so far as l have the privilege to speak for you, I express once more the hope that we have to maintain the ream of freedom in Britain and elsewhere by supplying those defenders with materials and equipment. This should be done to the limit of our ability but with due regard to our own defense. On this point, I think I can say without boast, that never in the history of American Presidential campaigns has a candidate gone further than I did in attempting to create a united front. However, I believe that our age should be given by constitutional methods and with the approval, accord and ratification of Congress. Only thus can the people determine from time to time, the course they wish to take and the hazards they wish to run.
Mr. Roosevelt and I both promise the peop1e in the course of the campaign that if we were elected, we would keep this country out of war unless attacked. Mr. Roosevelt was re-elected, and this solemn pledge for him, I know will be fulfi1led, and I know the American people desire him to keep it sacred.
Since November 5, I have received thousands and thousands of letters, as a matter of fact, tens of thousands of them, I have personally read a great portion of these messages. I am profoundly touched. They come from all parts of our country and from all kinds of people. They come from Catholics and Protestants, Jews and Christians, colored people and white people. They come from workers and farmers and clerks and businessmen; men and women of all the occupations that make up our American life. All of these letters and telegrams, almost without exception, urge that the cause that we have been fighting for be carried on. In your enthusiasm for our cause, you founded thousands of organizations, they are your own organizations, financed by you and directed by you. It is very appropriate for you to continue them if you fee1 so inclined. I hope you do continue them. It is not, however, appropriate to continue these organizations in my name. I do not want this great cause to be weakened by even a semblance of any personal advantage to any individual. I feel too deeply about it for that. 1944 will take care of itself
It is of the very essence of my belief that democracy is fruitful of leadership. I want to see all of us dedicate ourselves to the principles for which we fought. My fight for those principles has just begun, I shall advocate them in the future as ardently and as confidently as I have in the past. As Woodrow Wilson once said, "I would rather lose in the cause that I know someday would triumph than to triumph in a cause that I know someday would fail."
Whatever I may undertake in the coming years, I shou1d be working shoulder to shoulder with you for the defense of our free way of life, for the better understanding of our economic system, and for the development of that new America whose vision lies within everyone of us. Meanwhile, let us be proud, let us be happy in the fight that we have made. We have brought our cause to the attention of the world. Millions have welcomed it. As time goes on, millions more will find in it the hope that they are looking for We can go on from here with the words of Abraham Lincoln in our hearts: with malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God
gives us to see the right. Let us finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation-s wounds, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all
nations.
Good night and God bless and keep everyone of you.
演讲者简介：
文德水·威基生于印第安那州衣尔伍德，是美国律师和公共事业行政长官。1933－1940年，他任朕邦和南方公司总裁。1940年总统大选中是共和党候选人。著有《一个世界》一书。
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晚上好，美国！
二十二年前的今天，一场席卷欧洲战场的重大战争结束了。枪声平息了。一个新的和平时代来临。西方民主社今对此寄予厚望。但那些期望并未突现。民主之势不强反弱。宪制政府的理念如残烛之光摇曳不定，去年更是从欧洲大陆上彻底消失。我们美国在看着黑暗降临欧洲，而此时，我们迎来了一个举足轻重的时刻——一九四零年全国大选。那次大选以及人民对大选的态度，向世界其他地区显示了一个真实民主的典范，人个伟大人民忠于宪法和当选者的典范。大选前的竞选运动深深打动了我们。数百万名从未热心于政治的群众参加进来。他们成群结队地涌向投票处，人数之众，史无前例。近五千万选民在11月5日那天行使了他们的选举权，这一我们从先辈手中接过，必须珍惜，并让它代代相传的宝贵权利。这样，无论其他什么地方的民主政府被摧毁，在美国，人们都会将这个权利发扬光大。大选那天无论你支持那一方，请记住，我们这种体现对于民主政府的信心的行动，会给予无数身处不列颠英勇的岛屿的、身处法兰西和比利时废墟城市的，甚至可能是身处德国和意大利的人们，带去希望。这行动已给所有渴望自由的人以希望。
投票前的竞选中，对敏感问题的争论十分激烈。人们变得尖刻，说了许多心平气和时不会说或措辞过激的话。但是我们美国人知道这是被扭曲了的，不是我们内心真实的写照。我可以开诚布公地说我心中没有尖刻，但愿你们也没有。我们选富兰克林·罗斯福做总统。他既是你们的总统，也是我的总统。他身处要职，我们应该尊重他，我们也确实尊重他。为了国家，我们将尽全力支持他，同时祈求上帝在随后的四年中，指引他完成管理人民事务这一至上的使命。这是以多类人为统治的民主制度的基本原则。但少数派的作用也同样重要。这是二千二百万人，约占选民总人数的一半人的作用。这个作用正是今晚我想向大家谈的。
民主要想稳步运行，一个强大的、警醒的反对派必不可少。这就是今后四年我们的任务。我们必须将自己建成一个生机勃勃、忠心耿耿、顺应民意的反对党。有人建议，力了对威胁我们的世界组成统一战绩，少数派现在不应谴责多数派，而应加入多数派。这就意味着在美利坚合众国，只有一个执政党、一套经济原理、一种政治理论。远是极权主人的想法，甘为奴隶的想法，必须坚决反封。英国人凭着历史上绝无仅有的忍耐力和勇猛，统一成一个整体，与之俱在丝毫未减的自由批评和建议。上议院与下议院的辩声不绝，政府所有的政策--税收政策、财政支出、军事与海上政策以及基本的经济政策，都是在经过坚定、友好、忠实和挑剔的检查后出台的。自由在英国得以幸存。让我们美国人选择不少于此的自由。
在英国，一些反对党的领袖是政府成员，有人建议美国也采用类似的作法。这是一个错误的概念。当英国自由党的领袖或一个英国工党的成员成为丘吉尔内阁的成员时，依照英国议会规定，其权力等同于丘吉尔先生。因为英国的内阁是一个议会委员会，委员会成员人人平等。首相是该委员会的主席，地位尊贵，但也仅此而已。其他成员都是他的同事。大家知道我们的情况是不同的。我们的行政部门并不是立法部门的委员全。总统与国会各自独立，内阁成员是总统的行政下属而不是总统的同事，听命于总统。哪怕内阁全部由反对党组成，政府仍然不会是一个两党统治的政府，而是一个由多数党的总统向由他选拔的少数党代表发号施令的政府。总统的意见与他们相左时，这些代表必须赞成，否则只能辞职。显然，在我们这样的国家，这样做不是真正的一致，而是虚幻的一致，不可能就国家安定在多数党和少数党之间达成体现各自意见的共识。美国的一致不是由话语或手势构成的，而是由执政党的实践和政策与反对党的意见融会而成。我们的政府是原则的政府，而不仅是人的政府。少数党的任何成员，即使愿意为国捐躯，仍持有批评政府政策的权利。这个权利铭刻在我们的宪法制度上。那些时刻准备听从总司令的命令服务国家的人们，仍拥有评论政府方针路线的权利---用我的话来说是义务。我们的体制是两党制，一旦允许完全由一党执政，民主即刻土崩瓦解，专政统治取而代之。所以，对你们——为我们的事业真挚奉献的人们，你们选我当你们的领袖，我要说、以后四年我们要做一个忠实的反对派。你们对最近选举中我们主张的原则深信不疑，原则不象足球服，场上穿，场下脱。检讨各行政机关的政策，向所在州和国家政府充当你们的代表的人们自由地、坦诚地发表意见，这是宪法赋予你们的义务。现在，让我提醒大家，我们是一个强有力的反对党。11月5日，我们只得到几百万张选票，但我们不要因此而偏激，为了反对而反对。我们的反对不是要毁掉，而是要建设强大、富饶的美国，因为只有富饶才能强大，只有强大才能自由。
最后，政府必须改变对大小事务一律惩罚的态度。必须制定有关法规。我们反对党应该不断提醒，政治迫害的日子必须结束。如果政府心中有美国整体—一我假设是有的—一就一定会不怀偏已地、胸怀坦荡地考虑反对党的这一建议。只有认识到反对党意见的重要性，并给予高度的重视，全国上下才能成为一个整体。这取决于执政党自身。不和谐、不一致皆因压制反对党。执政党可以强迫我们解散，一但也可以将我们团结起来。
现在我要讲讲国家面临的最重要，最紧迫的任务。在这一点上，全体美国人民目标一致，那就是保卫祖国。尽管身处后方，但作为反对党，我们扮演着重要的角色。这就是始终警醒，确保美国人民得到有效的防卫，我们通过的用于此目的的庞大的开支不被浪费。就此我有权对你们说，我再一次重申：希望通过提供物资和装备，帮助英国以及其它国家维持国家的自由。我们应该在适当考虑自身防卫的同时，尽力给予他们帮助。对于这一点，我可以豪不自夸地说，在历届美国总统竞选中，没有任何一位候选人象我这样不遗余力地促进统一战线的建立。然而，这一切应该通过宪法给予，得到国会的认同和批准。只有这样，人民才能不时决定他们愿意采取的路线和作出的冒险尝试。
竞选时，我和罗斯福先生都承诺，如果我们当选，我们将避免美国卷入战争，除非遭人攻击。罗斯福先生再次当选，我知道他一定会兑现诺言，我也知道美国人民期望他信守这一庄严承诺。
11月5日以来，我收到了成千上万封信。我亲自拜读了其中的大部分。我为之深深感动。这些信来自各地、各种人。有天主教徒，又有新教徒，有犹太教徒，又有基督教徒，有黑人，又有白人。这些信来自组成美国生活的各行各业、男男女女，有工人，也有农民，有文员，也有商人。所有这些信和电报，一无例外，强烈要求将我们为之奋斗的事业继续下去。出于对这一事业的热忱，你们成立了数以千计的组织。那是你们自己的组织。是你们自筹资金自己领导的组织。只要你们愿意，就请继续下去。我也希望你们能继续下去。但不宜以我的名义。我不愿意这一伟大的事业因此而被削弱，仅仅因为我个人表面上有着某些优于他人之处。对此我深有感触。这样，1944年的大选自会平安无事。
我深信民主主义硕果累累，希望看到所有的人献身于我们为之奋斗的原则中去。我个人为此的奋斗才刚刚开始，我将一如既往地倡导它们。正如伍德罗·威尔逊曾经说的：“我宁愿在终将成功的事业中遭受失败，也不愿在必定失败的事业里享受成功。”
来年无论我从事什么，都会与你们肩并肩，一起为保卫我们自由的生活，为更好地贯彻经济制度，为寄望于我们每一个人的新美国的发展而努力。同时，让我们在战斗中自豪和快乐。我们的事业已经引起了世界的关注，受到无数人的欢迎。当时光流逝，会有更多的人在其中发现他们一直找寻的希望。让我们用亚伯拉罕，林肯的一句名言继续下去：“对任何人不怀恶意，对一切人心存宽厚，按上帝的指引坚诗正义。”让我们继续努力完成正在从事的事业，包扎好国家的创伤，去做能在我们自己中间和与一切国家之间缔造并保持公正持久和平的一切事情。”
晚安，愿上帝保佑并眷顾你们每一位。
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